Study model assesses additional emission costs through sector-specific tax imposition

11/21/2024

The Financial Stability Report (FSR) for the first half of the year indicated that a simulation measuring the effects of implementing a carbon tax to address climate risk shows a “limited impact” on Brazil’s National Financial System. The FSR was released by the Central Bank on Thursday (21).

“The results suggest the impact on the capital of institutions is limited, due to a moderate increase in Non-Performing Assets in sectors most affected by the carbon tax.”

The study evaluated gross greenhouse gas emissions, sector exposure relative to added value, and dependency on international markets. The model incorporates an additional cost for emissions by imposing a tax on economic sectors.

Two scenarios were considered, with gradually increasing costs starting in 2025, reaching $50 per tonne emitted by 2030 in one scenario, and $100 per tonne in the other. According to the FSR, financial institutions experienced losses concentrated in the manufacturing, construction, and transportation sectors “due to the rise in non-performing assets.”

The study highlighted that sectors such as agriculture and transportation show “the largest reductions in added value compared to a scenario without a carbon tax.” This reduction “results from increased production costs within the sector and the cost of inputs used in production sourced from other sectors.”

In the agricultural sector, the study noted, the proportion of non-performing assets is low, despite high exposure, “which explains the lesser impact compared to other sectors.”

Floods

The FSR also reported that the impact of the floods faced by the Rio Grande do Sul state earlier this year on the National Financial System was “less than initially expected.” According to the report, no “systematically relevant changes” were observed in deposits, liquidity, or credit risk of supervised entities operating in the state. “Regarding the agricultural sector, losses from Proagro [Agricultural Activity Guarantee Program] coverage payments were significantly lower than losses caused by the droughts of 2022 and 2023.”

The document noted that the floods occurred after most of the harvest had been completed. The FSR also highlighted a “slight increase” in deposits in the state, “possibly due to the lack of alternative allocations for clients.” Few physical structures of institutions were significantly affected, according to the report.

Regarding portfolio impact, the FSR emphasized that some entities renegotiated “substantial” installments, but the issues remained limited in scope.

“The volume of restructured credit operations with borrowers in Rio Grande do Sul increased significantly, especially for individuals and in rural credit. However, the volume of renegotiations is small compared to the portfolio as a whole.”

The document noted that initiatives by the National Monetary Council and the Central Bank protected service provision and avoided “unnecessary burdens” on individuals and businesses. “The measures aimed to preserve financial stability and protect consumers. The Central Bank continues to monitor financial intermediation in the region, with less emphasis, due to the perceived reduction in risks.”

*By Gabriel Shinohara, Valor — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
In the Central West, insured soybean acreage rose by 500,000 hectares

11/22/2024


The rising frequency of extreme weather events in Brazil and the increasing difficulty of predicting adverse conditions and their impacts on agriculture have driven greater demand for rural insurance, particularly in regions that have historically avoided such protections.

The insured soybean area—the primary product covered under the Rural Insurance Premium Subsidy Program (PSR)—has already surpassed 2023 levels. According to Glaucio Toyama, president of the Rural Insurance Commission of the National Federation of General Insurance (FenSeg), 3.8 million hectares of soybeans have been insured for the 2024/25 harvest, up from 3.1 million hectares in the previous cycle.

Soybean producers in Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Goiás, and the Federal District have insured 1.6 million hectares this season, compared to 1.1 million hectares in 2023/24.

Among them is Dieicson Siqueira Serpa, who planted 1,500 hectares of soybeans across Goiatuba, Morrinhos, and Panamá in the southwest of Goiás. After the soy harvest, the land will be used for corn and sorghum. Part of these crops are insured. “Insurance is a way of staying in the market. With the climate, relying solely on personal or financed resources without protection is too risky. Everything is at risk: rain, drought, hail,” he said.

Mr. Serpa noted occasional losses and claims, particularly for the second sorghum crop, but cited the cost of insurance as a significant barrier to broader adoption. “When producers have their own resources, they often skip insurance because it’s too expensive and makes the business unviable,” he explained.

Brasilseg, a leader in Brazil’s rural insurance segment, reported notable growth in forest and livestock insurance policies between January and August 2023. Forest insurance saw a 719% increase, with the insured area expanding from 52,000 to over 426,000 hectares. Livestock insurance rose 134%, covering 10,000 hectares of pasture compared to 4,000 the previous year.

Despite this increase in coverage, insurers have faced a challenging year. Rural insurance revenue fell by 3.2% to R$9.6 billion by August, according to Superintendence of Private Insurance (Susep) data compiled by the National Insurance Confederation (CNseg). These figures also include life insurance and rural pledges.

In September, CNseg revised its growth forecast for the rural insurance market, cutting expectations from 7.9% to just 1%. By year-end, the projection had been further reduced to 23.1%, primarily due to delays in disbursing PSR subsidies.

Another contributing factor is the decline in the average rural insurance premium, which fell from 7.47% to 6.86%. This decrease reflects the growing uptake of policies outside Rio Grande do Sul and Paraná—historically the main consumers of rural insurance—resulting in a more diversified distribution of risk. FenSeg’s data, however, focuses exclusively on crop insurance.

The results remain below industry expectations. According to Mr. Toyama, the market had anticipated greater expansion due to increased interest from farmers.

The exhaustion of the PSR budget, albeit later than usual, has tempered hopes for a stronger recovery in the rural insurance market. Following budget cuts and freezes, nearly R$890 million was invested in 2023—the lowest level since 2020—excluding the R$210.8 million earmarked for policyholders in Rio Grande do Sul, set to be released soon.

In late October, the FenSeg commission sent a letter to the Ministries of Agriculture, Finance, Planning, and Budget, urging the release of R$52.9 million from the PSR budget and requesting an additional R$197.8 million to cover the backlog of unsubsidized policies and projected demand through the end of the year.

However, the chances of this request being granted are slim amid ongoing government discussions on spending cuts. The Secretary for Agricultural Policy at the Ministry of Agriculture, Guilherme Campos, highlighted the challenges of securing additional funds in the current fiscal environment. “The resources are too limited. They help, but they don’t solve the issue. With the government’s financial constraints, it’s all about cutting back,” said Mr. Campos, noting that the blocked R$52.8 million is expected to be restored to the Ministry’s budget by December.

Insurers are increasingly concerned about the outlook for the next winter crop in 2025, which carries the highest climatic risks. While demand for rural insurance policies is accelerating, uncertainty about the 2024 budget looms large.

Although the 2025 budget proposal allocates R$1.06 billion to the PSR, the sharp rise in the Agricultural Activity Guarantee Program (PROAGRO, a 50-year-old agricultural insurance program designed to protect farmers against uncontrollable natural losses) rates could drive producers toward rural insurance, intensifying competition for these funds. Mr. Toyama of FenSeg warned that resource shortages are likely, especially during the winter harvest.

“This impacts everything. If a clear plan isn’t in place, producers face tough choices: go without insurance and compromise their margins, take Proagro coverage at rates of 20% to 30%, or buy insurance at 10% to 15% without subsidies. In the absence of subsidies, they may lower their technological investment in crops, ultimately affecting productivity,” he explained.

“We are working to make the government aware of the need to raise the allocation to at least R$2 billion, but we’ve yet to receive a positive response,” said Esteves Colnago, CNseg’s director of institutional affairs.

The broader issue, as noted by Mr. James Hodge, director of agribusiness and construction at WTW, is the low uptake of rural insurance in Brazil. “Even with rising participation, the country remains at the same levels seen a decade ago, far from the 2021 peak. Only 10% to 15% of producers are insured,” he pointed out.

This year, sporadic spikes in interest were observed following fires in August and September, “particularly for citrus crops and drought-related risks,” Mr. Hodge added. However, with the anticipated arrival of La Niña and increased rainfall, demand has since returned to typical levels.

*By Rafael Walendorff, Rita Azevedo, Globo Rural — Brasília and São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
Meeting with the mining company’s leadership allowed federal government to explore Vale’s interest in other railway projects

11/20/2024


Brazil’s Transportation Minister Renan Filho met with executives from Vale on Tuesday (19) to advance negotiations over the revised terms of the renewed contracts for the Carajás (EFC) and Vitória-Minas (EFVM) railways. The two-hour meeting included Daniel André Stieler, Vale’s chairman.

According to sources, the meeting also served as an opportunity for the federal government to gauge Vale’s interest in other strategic railway projects.

Discussions on revising the concession fees for the railways have been contentious at times. Mr. Renan Filho previously threatened legal action to hold executives and public officials accountable for the original contract renewals, which he claims were unfavorable to the federal government.

At this stage, the minister is pushing for Vale to commit R$15 billion in investments, though the final amount has not been settled and may be spread over several years. This figure is already significantly lower than the R$27 billion initially demanded by the government earlier this year.

The Ministry of Transportation is under pressure from the economic team to finalize negotiations with Vale to secure revenue for federal coffers. Renan Filho’s aides have emphasized that the funds would be allocated to future investments, enabling the construction of new railways in Brazil.

Notably absent from the meeting was Vale CEO Gustavo Pimenta, who took over the company recently. However, the meeting was attended by Fábio Ferraz, Vale’s business director, and Marcelo Sampaio, the company’s regulatory affairs director. Mr. Sampaio previously served as executive secretary of the Ministry of Infrastructure and briefly led the ministry under the previous administration.

Representing the federal government were Dario Durigan, executive secretary of the Ministry of Finance, and George Santoro, executive secretary of the Ministry of Transportation.

Another topic reportedly discussed during the meeting was Section 1 of the Oeste Leste (West-East) Railway (Fiol 1), connecting Ilhéus and Caetité in Bahia. Vale has been linked to speculation about acquiring Bahia Mineração S.A. (Bamin), the company holding the Fiol 1 subconcession, which is struggling financially. Rumors suggest the government has pressured Vale to take over its competitor’s operations.

Since taking office, Renan Filho has focused on raising funds to expand Brazil’s railway network by renegotiating concession fees established during the Bolsonaro administration. In addition to Vale’s railways, the government is also seeking higher concession fees from Rumo (Malha Oeste) and MRS Logística (Malha Sudeste).

Government estimates initially suggested that R$30 billion could be raised for railway expansion, though recent projections have been revised to a more conservative R$20 billion.

When asked for comment, Vale stated it is in “advanced discussions with the Ministry of Transportation regarding general terms for optimizing the investment plans for the EFC and EFVM concession contracts, which are currently being executed in accordance with the terms established and disclosed to the market in December 2020.”

Bamin declined to comment on speculation regarding potential talks with Vale.

By Rafael Bitencourt — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
While G20 support is welcomed, environmental NGOs condemn mixed messaging on energy transition

11/20/2024


The G20 leaders’ final communiqué was met with cautious approval at COP29 in Baku. However, it drew criticism from environmental organizations for lacking a clear and explicit commitment to phasing out fossil fuels—a pledge agreed upon at COP28 in Dubai in 2023.

While the communiqué reaffirms commitments from COP28 and the Global Stocktake of the Paris Agreement, including the pledge to transition away from fossil fuels, this language was notably absent in the declaration.

Instead, the G20 emphasized goals to triple renewable energy production and double energy efficiency by 2030. “They avoided explicitly mentioning the ‘transition away from fossil fuels’ because of opposition from Saudi Arabia and Russia,” explained David Waskow, director of WRI’s international climate initiative.

Analysts at climate think tank E3G observed contradictory signals in the G20’s approach to the fossil fuel transition.

Read more: Don’t blame the mirror for the image it reflects

Notably, the communiqué omitted language on the gradual reduction of coal use, which had been included under the last two G20 presidencies. “But G20 leaders cannot ignore the reality: renewable energies are growing, and coal, oil, and gas have their days numbered,” E3G stated in its analysis.

However, the commitment to present updated climate targets (NDCs) for the post-2026 period, covering all economic sectors and greenhouse gases, received positive feedback in Baku. These new NDCs aim to align with the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5°C.

Brazil faced sharp criticism for its energy policies. “Meanwhile, Brazil has signed a deal to import shale gas from Vaca Muerta in Argentina, sending the wrong signal on the energy transition from the COP30 Presidency back to Baku,” E3G remarked.

“The G20 communiqué marks critical progress amid a turbulent geopolitical landscape,” said Gustavo Pinheiro, senior associate at E3G. “Under Brazil’s presidency, the G20 sent strong signals to energize the COP30 pathway, advance an agreement on the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG), and increase adaptation efforts. However, the failure to reach a consensus on the transition away from fossil fuels casts a shadow over the urgency needed to tackle the main driver of global warming.”

“I see the finance part as positive. The G20 countries are signaling their support for COP29 to achieve an outcome on the NCQG and are addressing the scale of financial needs. They also mention international collaboration, which is something new,” Mr. Waskow said.

Another highlight of COP29 in Baku was the widespread approval of the declaration’s call to reform Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs) to unlock large-scale climate finance. “The G20 sent a message to the world that multilateralism is not dead. Despite a tense global geopolitical environment, the largest economies agreed that it’s time to take a serious look at climate finance in developing countries,” said Raíssa Ferreira, campaigns director for Greenpeace Brasil.

The Brazilian presidency carefully coordinated the timing of the G20 leaders’ meeting and COP29, emphasizing their interconnectedness while recognizing their distinct differences. The G20 comprises the world’s 20 largest economies, along with the European and African Unions, and its outcomes are captured in a political declaration. In contrast, COP29 brought together delegations from 195 nations, each with equal rights to voice opinions and veto proposals, culminating in a multilateral agreement.

Maiara Folly, from Plataforma Cipó, stressed the significance of the G20’s alignment on climate issues. “In terms of process, it was important for the G20 as a whole to unite in favor of the climate agenda,” she said.

Meanwhile, at Baku’s Olympic Stadium, negotiations on climate finance remained at the center of discussions. Key points under negotiation included the definition of climate finance, the annual funding figure required to support global decarbonization, the division of financial responsibilities between public and private sectors, and the accessibility of funds to developing economies. These closed-door negotiations are seen as the primary deliverable of COP29 and represent the greatest area of contention.

The journalist traveled to COP29 at the invitation of the Institute for Climate and Society (iCS).

*By Daniela Chiaretti — Baku

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
U.S. president-elect may hinder discussions and stall measures, reinforcing dissenting positions like Javier Milei’s

11/20/2024


Following Brazil’s advancements during its rotating presidency of the G20, the summit of leaders from the world’s largest economies faces a period of uncertainties starting in 2025, with Donald Trump assuming office in the United States. Mr. Trump, a critic of multilateralism, signals potential challenges for the group. That was evident in Rio de Janeiro, where Argentine President Javier Milei, an ally of Mr. Trump, made clear his disagreement with several points of the G20’s consensus final declaration.

These challenges are expected to arise at the next meeting in South Africa, during Mr. Trump’s first year in office.

“The feeling is that nothing will be the same. Trump’s return will have an unimaginable impact,” a Brazilian diplomat said. Another negotiator added, “It’s one thing for the United States, China, or Russia to come to the G20 ready to disrupt the declaration; it’s another for Argentina. They [Argentina] cannot handle the consequences alone. With U.S. support, the situation changes.”

Buoyed by a decisive electoral victory, with more global experience and no reelection on the horizon, Mr. Trump aims to shake up international relations. Not only will he be in the White House for the next G20 summit, but he will also chair the group in 2026. Some in Brazil’s Foreign Affairs Ministry fear that Rio may have witnessed the last “productive” gathering of the world’s major economies, despite Mr. Milei’s presence.

In Argentina, President Milei’s ultraliberal moves are seen as gestures to his electorate rather than genuine threats to disrupt Brazil’s G20 agenda. His repeated “do not count on us” statements led to diplomatic friction with most group members, especially with the main European economic powers, Germany and France.

Mr. Milei’s speech at the plenary of heads of state on Monday (18) was met with sparse applause and criticism, such as from Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. After making his point, Mr. Milei withdrew his veto threats and agreed to the summit’s final declaration, preserving the G20’s consensus legitimacy.

The outcome was positive for Brazilian diplomacy and was celebrated by key global leaders. Shortly after the text’s unexpected release on the first day of meetings, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen congratulated President Lula for successfully addressing “one of the world’s most urgent issues.”

In his closing message at the summit, President Lula stated that the G20 can and must do more. “We have worked diligently, aware that we have only scratched the surface of the profound challenges facing the world,” the Brazilian leader said as he handed the group’s presidency to South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.

By releasing the final declaration on the summit’s first day, Brazil employed a strategy to shield the agreed text from last-minute amendment requests. Brazilian diplomats kept the dialogue at the sherpa level (country negotiators) to avoid “opening the Pandora’s box” among heads of state.

The reading is that renegotiating the text at the president and prime minister level would be even more challenging than the already complex discussions among negotiators. The sherpas spent the week in a hotel, working through the nights to reach consensuses that involved intricate details such as word and comma changes in the declaration paragraphs.

In Argentina’s case, the solution involved Mr. Milei’s verbal remarks, followed by a statement from the Casa Rosada outlining his points of disagreement, such as gender equality declarations, super-rich taxation, and climate change action goals. “Without obstructing the declaration of other leaders, President Javier Milei made it clear at the G20 that he does not support several points of the declaration, including promoting limitations on free speech on social media, schemes that impose and undermine the sovereignty of global governance institutions, and unequal treatment before the law,” the statement read.

Diplomats argue that a country aiming to block a document as significant as a G20 declaration should have at least one of two attributes: sufficient size or a highly important and undeniable cause. For various reasons, the United States, China, and Russia, for example, can undertake such an endeavor. For Argentina, that would be nearly impossible.

For this reason, diplomats anticipate a significant shift in the multilateral world. An outspoken opponent of multilateralism, Mr. Trump has announced plans to exit the Paris Agreement again and intends to maximize the “America First” agenda. Whether benefiting from this agenda or not, Mr. Milei promises to follow the same path and fulfill what he threatened to do in Rio. He even stayed out of the traditional photo with the group’s heads of state.

*By Murillo Camarotto, Paula Martini, Camila Zarur, Andrea Jubé, Lucianne Carneiro, Estevão Taiar — Rio de Janeiro

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
Vibra CEO shares his management insights from leading diverse companies

11/18/2024


“In a career, there is no right or wrong. I believe it’s about understanding what motivates you, what makes you happy, what gets you up every morning [and making choices based on that].” That is the advice from Ernesto Pousada, CEO of Vibra and this week’s guest at CBN Professional podcast. In a conversation with Stela Campos, Career Editor at Valor, and Juliana Prado from the CBN radio station, Mr. Pousada revealed that he has always been driven by big challenges. This drive led him to leave the multinational chemical company Dow after 15 years for the Brazilian pulp and paper maker Suzano. “I looked inward and felt I wanted to experience a different company’s culture. I had a strong desire to work for a Brazilian company.”

With Dow, Mr. Pousada spent 11 years in Brazil, three in the United States, and two in Switzerland, which gave him “a very interesting background in understanding different cultures, environments, different countries.”

Mr. Pousada says the move to Suzano shaped him into the professional he is today. “I was stable with a promising international career at Dow, everything was set up for success, but my restlessness drove me to take a leap into the unknown,” he said.

In 2004, the offer came from David Feffer, a third-generation shareholder of Suzano. “I was captivated by the opportunity to grow, develop, and experience a new culture,” said Mr. Pousada, who stayed with Suzano for 11 years. During that time, the company expanded tenfold.

When joining Suzano, Mr. Pousada switched fields, moving from the commercial area to operations. “It was an area where I didn’t have much experience, so I changed sectors and fields, which brought me significant learning,” he noted. He believes the combination of these experiences prepared him for the future.

After that, Mr. Pousada took on the role of CEO for South America at Ingredion—in the food sector—and later as CEO of VLI Logística. The transition between these two organizations was partly driven by his desire to stay in Brazil. “At some point, I would have been ‘exported’ again for an international career at Ingredion, potentially even becoming the global CEO one day. But I didn’t want that; my family situation had changed, and my children were settled in Brazil. At that time, it didn’t make sense for me,” he said. “You strive for a balance between professional and personal life.”

At VLI, he reported directly to the board of directors, which was not the case at Ingredion. “I would have more freedom in my role,” he explained. He remained there until 2023, when he took on his current position at Vibra, a fuel distributing company—adding yet another new sector to his career. His advice? “Enter with the mindset of asking more questions than dictating how things should be,” he said. “Respect the technical knowledge of others, be humble in asking questions, and understand that you don’t know anything about that sector yet. How do I prepare? By studying extensively. Studying a lot, listening to those who understand the sector, and seeking diverse opinions.”

According to him, “you can’t take a ready-made recipe from one company to another.” “You might have a ‘modus operandi,’ which is, of course, you, but it’s not a one-size-fits-all approach. It’s about identifying the key elements and value drivers and acting on them quickly.”

Throughout the podcast, Mr. Pousada discussed his role at Vibra, the management model he has been implementing over the past 18 months, and the introduction of a people and technology department. “I see a strong connection between technology and people, especially from an organizational culture perspective, which is what we’re aiming for,” he said. “Because culture is the key pillar that underpins a company’s long-term strategy.”

The executive also talked about energy transition, decarbonization, and global warming.

*By Adriana Fonseca — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
Labor-intensive sectors like industry, commerce, and construction may face layoffs or increased informality due to higher costs

11/18/2024


The proposal to eliminate the six-day workweek could significantly impact the production capacity of some economic sectors and lead to the closure of small and micro businesses, according to Bruno Imaizumi, an economist at LCA Consultores.

Unlike experiences in developed countries, implementing the six-day workweek in Brazil could harm sectors such as construction, industry, and retail, he notes.

“Some sectors can adopt more modern practices, like flexible hours or flexible work arrangements, such as hybrid or remote work. But in some traditional sectors, like the general industry, especially those involved in raw material processing and manufacturing, agriculture, and parts of commerce, there tends to be more difficulty,” he explains. “In the industry, even with investments in technology and capital, operations are still heavily dependent on labor. The same goes for commerce.”

Mr. Imaizumi warns that a new workweek structure could lead to increased costs for small and micro businesses, potentially making them unviable. For workers, the risk is increased informal employment, where contracts do not have set working hours, he states.

Valor: The proposal to end the six-day workweek is causing concern. What’s your view?

Bruno Imaizumi: The proposal gained considerable attention on social media but was confusing in its presentation. It essentially involves two points: the elimination of the six-day workweek, which is six days of work followed by one day off, and a reduction in the weekly working hours from 44 to 36. If you calculate four days times eight hours, you get 32 hours, not the 36 mentioned. So, the first point is to clarify that. Between eliminating the six-day workweek and reducing hours from 44 to 36 per week, the latter concerns me more.

Valor: What could be the economic losses?

Mr. Imaizumi: What economic scientific evidence do we have so far? When looking at developed countries and some specific companies, we see that when there was a reduction or elimination of certain schedules that left workers fatigued, productivity or growth in the involved companies increased. However, these experiments are primarily found in developed countries. We lack a counterfactual for developing countries. There are some small-scale experiments in Peru and the Philippines for specific sectors, but there’s significant sectoral divergence on this issue.

Valor: Does being a less developed country make it harder to implement a reduction in working days or hours per week?

Mr. Imaizumi: In less developed countries, like Brazil, there is a high rate of informality and a large informal market compared to developed countries. This poses a challenge to implementing workweek reduction policies, as just under 50% of the population works informally without comprehensive regulation. Also, the average qualification level of Brazilians is low, which affects productivity. Therefore, ending the six-day workweek might impact certain sectors.

Valor: Which sectors would be most affected?

Mr. Imaizumi: There’s a sectoral difference. High-skilled sectors like technology and consulting, which don’t involve tangible products, are more likely to adopt modern work practices, a current demand from workers. After the pandemic, work relationships have changed significantly. Record numbers of workers resigning voluntarily each month, for example, highlight worker dissatisfaction with quality of life. Looking at the sectoral issue, some can adopt modern practices like flexible hours or work arrangements, such as hybrid or remote work. But in some traditional sectors, like general industry, especially those involved in raw material processing and manufacturing, agriculture, and parts of commerce, there’s more difficulty. When we see studies citing Japan, Iceland, Sweden, New Zealand, and other emerging countries like Peru and the Philippines, they are experiments in companies more inclined to adopt modern work practices. In the industry, even with investments in technology and capital, operations are still heavily dependent on labor. The same applies to commerce. Therefore, I see that the change could make micro and small businesses unviable.

Valor: How so?

Mr. Imaizumi: It would make some small businesses unviable. Consider the implementation cost. In countries where labor is cheap and abundant, like ours, reducing hours without a reduction in pay could be seen as an additional cost for employers, especially in small and micro businesses, where these costs weigh more heavily. So, what would likely happen? If employers don’t hire informally, which is one possible effect of approving this constitutional amendment, they might not lay off workers but would find it difficult to continue operations.

Valor: What would be the impact in Brazil, considering that over 90% of new companies created in the last year are small and micro businesses?

Mr. Imaizumi: I believe that if experiments were conducted in some sectors, primarily those I mentioned, like technology, that don’t involve tangible products, a reduction might make sense. There are sectors more dependent on labor. Therefore, sectors like construction, commerce, and industry would be affected. But if we look at many service sectors, I believe many companies would benefit. So, there are indeed two sides to this issue.

Valor: Would this new scheme represent a significant change in Brazil? Although most formal employment contracts stipulate 41 to 44 weekly work hours, on average, people work less than this.

Mr. Imaizumi: When analyzing data from the Annual Social Information Report (Rais), we see that nearly 75% of formal employment contracts stipulate 41 to 44 hours, as currently provided by the Constitution. However, when looking at the actual hours worked by employees during the reference week of the Continuous National Household Sample Survey (Pnad), many work fewer hours. The average hours actually worked by a Brazilian employee is 39 hours. When considering only formal employees, that figure reaches 41 hours. So, many people are working less than stipulated. What concerns me is the drastic reduction from 44 to 36 weekly hours. If that happened, some formal workers working more hours would be affected. But overall, the average worker is already working within that range.

Valor: Does this proposal pose any risks for workers?

Mr. Imaizumi: Well, there are many inequalities. Besides the sectoral one, there’s the qualification inequality and the issue of informality. In the Brazilian labor market, there’s also the issue of informal employment. So, a possible effect of approving the constitutional amendment could be an increase in private sector workers without formal contracts, as independent contractors or sole proprietors. These types of work contracts don’t have a set work-hour limit. This is a concern.

*By Marsílea Gombata — São Paulo

Source: Valoar International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
Fund has received over R$4.2bn in donations since its creation in 2008

11/18/2024


The United States and Norway announced two new contributions to the Amazon Fund on Sunday (17). The U.S. pledged $50 million, while Norway committed an additional $60 million. The U.S. announcement was made by President Joe Biden during his visit to Manaus, Amazonas. Mr. Biden said he is leaving a “strong legacy” for President-elect Donald Trump, who will take office on January 20, 2025.

The Amazon Fund has received over R$4.2 billion in internalized donations since its creation in 2008. Tereza Campello, socio-environmental director at the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES), said R$882 million in projects have already been approved this year.

With the new pledge, U.S. contributions to the Amazon Fund will total $100 million. However, the donation announced by Mr. Biden is contingent on approval from the Republican-controlled U.S. Congress. “The fight against climate change has been the cause of my presidency. There’s no need to choose between the economy and the environment—we can do both,” he said.

“I’m leaving the presidency in January and will hand over a strong foundation to my successor, should they choose to continue this path. Some may deny or delay the clean energy revolution underway in the U.S., but no one can reverse it,” Mr. Biden added.

Norway, Brazil’s primary partner in the Amazon Fund, announced a new $60 million contribution to the initiative. Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre made the announcement as recognition of Brazil’s 31% reduction in deforestation in 2023.

The announcement was made during the Global Citizen Now Conference, held at the Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV) in Rio de Janeiro. Mr. Støre is in Brazil for the G20 Leaders’ Summit that starts this Monday (18).

Mr. Støre said the donation reaffirms the longstanding partnership between Norway and Brazil on climate and rainforest preservation. “Brazil’s success in reducing deforestation is a clear demonstration of the Lula administration’s ambition and determination. It shows how targeted measures can deliver significant results for the climate and nature,” he said in a statement released by the Norwegian embassy in Brasília.

Norwegian Climate and Environment Minister Tore O. Sandvik underscored the importance of the partnership: “Preserving the rainforest is one of the most important investments we make. Since Lula resumed the presidency in January, deforestation has dropped significantly, proving that Brazil is a global leader and driving force in protecting tropical forests.”

(With Folhapress)

*By Lucianne Carneiro, Paula Martini — Rio de Janeiro

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/
An ANEC survey shows that Brazilian freight costs for exporting oilseeds to China exceed those of Argentina and the U.S.

11/14/2024


Brazil faces significantly higher costs to ship soybeans to China compared to competitors like the United States and Argentina. According to data from the National Association of Grain Exporters (ANEC) from March this year, the freight cost for soybeans from Sorriso (Mato Grosso) to China reaches $124 per tonne when using trucks over the 2,000-kilometer stretch from Mato Grosso to the Port of Santos.

The cost of mixed truck and rail transportation drops to $111 per tonne, while using a combination of barge and truck costs $103 per tonne. In contrast, the March cost for shipping soybeans from Illinois to China was $75.50 per tonne.

Argentine exporters moving soybeans from Córdoba to the port of Rosario pay around $94 per tonne by truck, with rail transport reducing the cost further to $79 per tonne.

“In the U.S., production travels half the distance to reach ports compared to Brazil, and better road maintenance reduces vehicle costs. A greater reliance on railroads and waterways also significantly lowers freight expenses,” said Sérgio Mendes, ANEC’s executive director.

Thiago Péra, coordinator at EsalqLog, notes that just 16% of U.S. agricultural transport relied on trucks last year, while waterways accounted for 53% and railways 31%. In Brazil, however, road transport dominates at 54%, while railways account for 33% and waterways just 12%.

Mr. Mendes also highlights that Argentina focuses on crushing soybeans before exporting, with processing facilities located within a 250-kilometer radius of the ports, further reducing logistics costs.

Seasonal demand also impacts Brazilian freight costs due to limited storage capacity, which “causes a spike in road freight prices during peak harvests of soybeans and corn,” says Mr. Mendes.

According to ANEC, the U.S. has a storage capacity equal to 131% of its grain production, whereas Brazil’s capacity is estimated at only 60% of annual harvests.

Executives and researchers agree that improving Brazil’s competitiveness hinges on establishing legal frameworks that attract private investment alongside state-driven infrastructure programs. Streamlining bureaucratic hurdles for licensing railways and other routes is another widely recognized need.

*By Fernanda Pressinott, Globo Rural — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

The Institutional Security Cabinet of the Presidency ordered a security sweep and reinforced measures at the Planalto Palace

11/14/2024


A man died and a vehicle was set on fire following explosions at Brasília’s Three Powers Plaza early Wednesday evening. Authorities sealed off the area, and the Federal Police have launched an investigation.

Francisco Wanderley Luiz, originally from Rio do Sul (Santa Catarina), was identified by Planalto Palace officials as the vehicle owner. Celina Leão, acting governor of the Federal District, reported that preliminary findings suggest Mr. Luiz approached the Supreme Court after the car explosion and, unable to gain entry, may have taken his own life using another explosive. Another line of the investigation considers whether the detonation happened as he attempted to throw the device.

The Federal District government noted that it is too early to determine whether Mr. Luiz acted as a “lone wolf,” as investigations continue. In 2020, Mr. Luiz ran for city council under the Liberal Party (PL). Records indicate he was present at the Supreme Court’s plenary session on August 24.

At around 7:30 p.m., local time, during the explosions, some Supreme Court justices were still in the building. President Lula was not at the Planalto Palace, which is nearby, but at the Alvorada Palace, the official presidential residence, roughly four kilometers away. The Lower House session was suspended in response to the incident.

Following the event, Supreme Court’s Chief Justice Luís Roberto Barroso called President Lula. Several justices, including Alexandre de Moraes, Gilmar Mendes, and Cristiano Zanin, met with the president, along with the Federal Police Director-General Andrei Rodrigues.

Amid suspicions that additional explosive devices might be scattered in the area, the Institutional Security Cabinet of the Presidency ordered a sweep and strengthened security at Planalto Palace and the Supreme Court.

*By Fabio Murakawa, Mariana Assis, Isadora Peron, Raphael Di Cunto, Marcelo Ribeiro — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/