09/12/2025 

he Bank Workers’ Union of São Paulo, Osasco and Region has filed a class-action lawsuit against Itaú Unibanco after the bank carried out a mass layoff of employees on Monday (8). According to the union, around 1,000 workers were dismissed without the union being given prior notice.

In a statement released Thursday evening (11), the union said: “In addition to being unjustifiable in light of the bank’s multibillion-real profits—over R$22.6 billion in the last half-year alone—the mass layoffs by Itaú disrespect employees, the Collective Bargaining Agreement (CCT) of the banking category, and Brazilian labor law, which requires prior negotiation with unions in cases like this.”

“We heard from the dismissed employees in a plenary session held this Thursday (11). Itaú violated basic rules protecting employment and disregarded the collective bargaining table. A bank that earns billions cannot treat its workers as disposable numbers,” said Neiva Ribeiro, the union’s president, in the statement. “We will take legal action to reverse this attack and hold Itaú accountable for its disregard for the law and for the category,” she added.

Itaú did not immediately reply to requests for comment.

*By Eulina Oliveira — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

09/10/2025

White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said Tuesday (9) that the Donald Trump administration is willing to use “economic and military might” to “protect free speech around the world,” referring to the ongoing trial of former President Jair Bolsonaro before Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court (STF). Her comments came during a press briefing after she was asked about the potential conviction of Mr. Bolsonaro.

“Freedom of speech is arguably the most important issue of our time. It is enshrined in our Constitution and the president believes in it strongly… we have taken significant action with regards to Brazil in the form of both sanctions, and also leveraging the use of tariffs,” Ms. Leavitt said.

“This is a priority for the administration, and the president is unafraid to use the economic might, the military might of the United States of America, to protect free speech around the world,” Ms. Leavitt added.

She said there are currently “no additional actions” being taken by the U.S. government against Brazil. Ms. Leavitt noted the tariffs and sanctions already imposed by Washington were intended to safeguard American interests abroad.

Foreign ministry responds

Brazil’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement condemning what it called “threats” of using force and said the country would not be intimidated.

“The Brazilian government condemns the use of economic sanctions or threats of force against our democracy. The first step in protecting freedom of expression is precisely to defend democracy and respect the will of the people expressed at the ballot box. That is the duty of all three branches of the Republic, which will not be intimidated by any form of attack on our sovereignty. The Brazilian government rejects the attempt by anti-democratic forces to instrumentalize foreign governments to pressure national institutions,” the statement said.

Earlier in the day, Institutional Relations Minister Gleisi Hoffmann had already responded to the White House spokesperson via social media. She called the remarks a threat of “invasion” of Brazil, calling the situation “unacceptable.” She also blamed the Bolsonaro family for the escalating tension between the two countries.

“The Bolsonaro family’s conspiracy against Brazil reached its peak today with the statement from Donald Trump’s spokesperson that the U.S. may even use military force against our country. It’s not enough that there are tariffs against our exports and illegal sanctions against government ministers, the Supreme Court and their families, now they’re threatening to invade Brazil to keep Jair Bolsonaro out of jail. This is completely unacceptable,” she wrote.

(With international agencies.)

*By Renan Truffi and Sofia Aguiar — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

09/10/2025 

Justice Luiz Fux’s vote in the Supreme Court’s First Panel on Wednesday (10) cements the more defendant-friendly approach he has adopted during the criminal proceedings over the coup plot—a departure from the tough-on-crime posture that marked his role in the Car Wash anti-corruption task force.

At the start of his remarks, Justice Fux questioned whether the Court had jurisdiction to try former President Jair Bolsonaro and echoed a central argument of the defense teams: that there was not enough time to review the “billions of pages” of case files.

Justice Fux was once known for his hard line on criminal matters, earning him the label of one of the court’s most staunch Car Wash supporters. In recent months, however, he has emerged as the main dissenting voice in the trial involving Mr. Bolsonaro and the January 8, 2023, attacks on Brazil’s halls of power.

When the first cases of the rioters who stormed the headquarters of the three branches of government came before the court, Justice Fux joined Justice Alexandre de Moraes in imposing harsher sentences. Now, however, he has positioned himself as Mr. Moraes’s main counterweight.

The turning point came in March, when Justice Fux requested more time to study the case of Débora Rodrigues dos Santos, a hairdresser who spray-painted “Game over, sucker” on the Justice statue outside the Supreme Court. When he cast his vote, Justice Fux argued for a sentence of one year and six months—far below the 14-year prison term ultimately imposed by the First Panel.

*By Isadora Peron, Valor — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

09/08/2025

Petrobras is considering acquiring a corn ethanol producer this year, sources told Valor. If confirmed, the move would signal the state-controlled company’s return to the sector, which it exited in the mid-2010s with the sale of assets. The corn ethanol market has been expanding as an alternative to sugarcane-based production. Ongoing projects in the segment total R$23 billion in investments.

In a statement, Petrobras said it is conducting studies and analyses of potential opportunities in the bioproducts segment, which includes ethanol.

The company added that its current 2025-2029 business plan foresees investments in ethanol, “preferably through minority strategic partnerships or shared control with relevant sector players.” While not denying ongoing talks, Petrobras said there are no firm decisions on corn ethanol projects. “The company clarifies that there is no definition regarding the raw material to be used in ethanol production projects,” it noted.

The potential move comes amid Petrobras’s broader push in fuel distribution. Since the start of the Lula administration, the company has signaled interest in returning to the distribution market, fueling speculation about possible mergers and acquisitions in the sector. In August, Valor reported that Raízen shareholders Shell and Cosan were seeking a new partner.

Days later, O Globo reported that Petrobras was studying a stake purchase in Raízen. The company denied the claim. “There is no project or study of investment in ethanol or distribution with Raízen,” Petrobras said at the time. Sources close to the company told Valor that Petrobras is evaluating opportunities with several firms, but Raízen is not currently among them.

Another scenario raised in the market is a possible deal with Vibra Energia, the former BR Distribuidora privatized under former President Jair Bolsonaro. Analysts and industry executives, however, consider such a transaction unlikely, partly because Petrobras would need to launch a full takeover bid to acquire a stake.

There would also be potential antitrust hurdles due to the potential market concentration. As of the close of trading on B3 on Friday (Sept. 5), Vibra’s market capitalization stood at R$27.9 billion. The company declined to comment.

Despite these obstacles, Petrobras has criticized the privatization of BR Distribuidora, arguing that it distanced the company from end customers. It has since sought direct supply agreements with large clients for products such as diesel. With Vale, Petrobras has signed contracts for marine fuel containing 24% biodiesel (bunker B24). The company has also signaled plans to return to the cooking gas (LPG) market.

Industry sources say buying another distributor or building a new network from scratch may not be easy for Petrobras, given a brand agreement with Vibra that includes a non-compete clause until 2029. Until then, Vibra retains the right to use the BR brand, formerly owned by Petrobras.

Vibra has expanded in recent years through acquisitions aligned with the energy transition. It acquired Comerc Energia (now up for sale), at the time Brazil’s largest independent power trader, and Zeg Biogás, a biogas and biomethane producer. It also invested in the EV charging startup EZVolt and formed a joint venture with Copersucar for ethanol trading.

Together, Vibra, Raízen, and Ipiranga control 61.3% of the distribution market, according to Brazil’s Petroleum Agency (ANP), based on data from Sept. 3.

These moves come as the fuel market faces mounting challenges from irregular operators. Major distributors have been steadily losing share to companies engaging in practices such as fraud, adulteration, and tax evasion.

Last week, federal and state authorities stepped up enforcement against multibillion-real tax evasion and fuel fraud schemes linked to the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), Brazil’s most powerful criminal organization.

*By Fábio Couto — Rio de Janeiro

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

09/08/2025

For nearly 15 years heading the marketing of one of Brazil’s largest insurance groups, Alexandre Nogueira, chief marketing, communications, and customer relations officer at Bradesco Seguros, says that so-called “longevity marketing” is among the most challenging and transformative themes of the day.

For the executive, consumers over 60 already are, and will increasingly be, relevant in influence, purchasing power, and opinion. This demands a rethinking of products, services, and above all, communication. “The generation that is aging today does not want to be treated as ‘old,’ but as active, productive, and connected,” he said.

The key, Mr. Nogueira argues, is recognizing age diversity. “Each generation has its preferred channels, its own language codes, and its own expectations. The brand that manages to communicate authentically with all of them will gain an enormous competitive edge.”

Read below the main excerpts from the interview with Valor.

ValorInsurance marketing has to sell something intangible: trust. How is that built in practice?

Alexandre Nogueira: With consistency. Consumers need to see consistency between what a brand promises and what it delivers. That comes through research, active listening, and the ability to test, assess results, and adapt quickly. Today, touchpoints—social media, call centers, chats, or WhatsApp—are a rich source of information. That’s where brands can capture criticism, suggestions, and expectations. Making proximity and empathy tangible requires knowing how to listen and respond.

ValorDoes this integration with customer channels, as at Bradesco Seguros, change the role of marketing?

Mr. Nogueira: Completely. Marketing is no longer just about communication but has become business intelligence. There’s no point in creating narratives if they aren’t connected to the customer’s real experience. Active listening makes strategies more assertive because it translates people’s voices into action. Talking about trust, proximity, and agility is now the essence of marketing, whether in healthcare, retail, technology, or finance.

ValorAnd how do you turn these attributes into concrete messages?

Mr. Nogueira: First, clarity on brand values. Then, consistency in communicating them across all touchpoints. It’s not just about a campaign, but about the entire journey, from ad to customer service. The challenge is turning abstract concepts like trust into real and recognizable experiences. That’s what builds brand culture. When consumers realize they can rely on a company in critical moments, that’s when promises become reality.

ValorBrazil is experiencing rapid population aging. How does longevity enter the marketing agenda?

Mr. Nogueira: Longevity is one of the most challenging and transformative themes. It means rethinking products, services, and above all, communication. The generation aging today doesn’t want to be seen as “old” but as active, productive, and connected. Marketing must engage multiple generations simultaneously, from young people just starting their journey to those over 60.

ValorHow is that done in practice?

Mr. Nogueira: The 60+ segment already is, and increasingly will be, relevant in opinion, purchasing power, and influence. Allocating a meaningful share of planning to “longevity marketing” is strategic for medium- and long-term results. And it’s not only about those over 60, but also about those who value this journey, especially the 30+ segment, which is already seeking information and preparation to live longer and better.

ValorHow would you define “longevity marketing”?

Mr. Nogueira: It’s a set of strategies and actions to promote brands, products, and services geared toward a longer, healthier life. It involves four pillars highlighted by experts: continuous learning, healthy habits, financial planning, and social engagement. Ideally, it should be driven by intergenerational teams, capable of adopting an empathetic and relevant language. It is likely to gain space in family conversations, schools, and universities, and it requires research and data science to be handled effectively.

ValorHow do you adapt to so many generations coexisting in the marketplace?

Mr. Nogueira: Today, up to seven generations are active—from Alpha to Beta—coexisting in society, and many also in the workplace. That’s why marketing has to be intergenerational, with diverse teams and contextualized communication. Each generation has its preferred channels, its language codes, and its expectations. The brand that manages to engage all of them authentically will gain an enormous competitive edge. That doesn’t mean speaking to everyone the same way, but understanding nuances. What resonates with a 25-year-old isn’t the same as what appeals to someone who’s 65.

ValorAnd how do you balance this long-term view with the need for quick responses to change?

Mr. Nogueira: That’s the art of contemporary marketing: combining strategy with agility. Consumer behavior changes in real time. If a brand doesn’t have the sensitivity to capture those shifts, it loses relevance.

*By Andrea Assef — São Paulo

Source: Valor international

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

09/08/2025 

Economists say a concentration of federal spending in the second half of 2025 is likely to shift Brazil’s fiscal impulse from negative to neutral, or even positive. What remains uncertain is how this stimulus will ripple through demand and inflation, especially as markets look for clues about when the Central Bank may begin cutting interest rates.

Ítalo Franca, head of fiscal policy and special studies at Santander, estimates that the federal government’s fiscal impulse was between -0.8 and -1 percentage point of GDP in the first half of the year. For the second half, however, he expects a positive impulse of about 0.5 points. For 2025 as a whole, Franca still sees a slightly negative figure. “I’m projecting -0.3 points of GDP, but across all models it ranges from neutral to slightly negative. The year has two different halves. From now on, things tend to accelerate,” he said.

Mr. Franca noted that Brazil has seen two strong years of fiscal stimulus. Between 2023 and 2024 alone, the federal government’s impulse reached 2 points of GDP, and the figure climbed to 2.5 points when including states, municipalities, and state-owned companies. “It was a significant fiscal push,” he said.

This year began with fiscal tightening. Of the R$30 billion in budget freezes announced in early 2025, only R$10 billion remain, Mr. Franca pointed out. Moreover, delays in approving the 2025 budget meant that government execution was low in the first half, pushing more spending to the second. Adding to that is the R$60 billion in court-ordered debt payments (precatórios) made in July, whereas in 2024, those payments occurred in February.

“We went through the first half with both fiscal and monetary policy pulling in the direction of slowing activity. Now, fiscal policy is set to become more expansionary,” Mr. Franca said. “We’ll likely see more execution of congressional earmarks and discretionary spending, with a stronger release of investment funds.”

Still, most economists forecast an overall slowdown in the second half due to the lagged effects of high interest rates. In this context, Mr. Franca noted that families may use precatório payments to reduce debt or build savings, rather than spend them, dampening the multiplier effect. “But I think the fiscal impulse will start to add resilience,” he said.

Fiscal boost

Looking ahead to 2026, Mr. Franca expects a positive fiscal impulse of 0.4 points of GDP from the federal government alone. “There’s a series of measures set to impact the economy. That’s where the market’s biggest uncertainty lies, how much of this stimulus will materialize.”

Spending by subnational governments could also play a major role. “States are in a position to go through one semester of adjustment and start expanding [spending] again in the last quarter of 2025,” Mr. Franca said. He estimates that state and local governments could add around 0.5 points of GDP in fiscal stimulus between the end of this year and mid-2026.

“Keep in mind they have around R$150 billion in net cash. Not all of it can be spent—some is earmarked for pensions—but it shows there’s fiscal space,” he said. States posted a R$26 billion primary surplus in the 12 months through July, but Mr. Franca expects that to shrink. “In 2022 [an election year for governors], state surpluses went from R$100 billion in April to R$3 billion in May 2023,” he recalled.

Some federal programs could further boost regional spending. The PROPAG debt repayment plan for states could add another 0.2 points of GDP in fiscal impulse, depending on how many governors participate.

Another factor is the proposed constitutional amendment (PEC 66), which would cap precatório payments by states and municipalities and allow longer timelines for settling pension-related debts. “So we should see rising fiscal stimulus from now on,” Mr. Franca said.

“The impact of income tax exemptions on demand could be significant

—Renan Martins

 

This is one reason why Santander continues to forecast Brazil’s benchmark interest rate Selic remaining at 15% through year-end. “Fiscal stimulus creates uncertainty. It may limit how much room monetary policy has. There are big questions about how this stimulus will affect demand and inflation. Rate cuts look more feasible in the first quarter of next year,” Mr. Franca said.

The government’s recently announced support package for sectors hit by U.S. tariffs also enters the picture. For now, BTG Pactual economist Fábio Serrano sees it as “well balanced” fiscally. But since the package falls outside Brazil’s spending cap and primary result targets, it risks becoming more expansive as it moves through Congress, he noted in a report.

Even with this new spending, Mr. Serrano projects that federal expenditures won’t grow more than 3% in real terms in 2025. “If we reallocate the precatórios paid at the end of 2024 to early 2025, when the money actually reached families and businesses, primary spending would contract 1.2% in real terms, after real increases of 8.1% in 2024 and 7.7% in 2023,” he wrote.

Economic consultancy 4intelligence estimated a negative fiscal impulse of -1.5 points of GDP in the first half of 2025, which helped to contain aggregate demand and inflation. That restraint, however, is unlikely to persist in the second half, with projections pointing to a nearly neutral fiscal impulse by year-end.

“The government has had some success in raising revenue, which eases concerns about the primary deficit,” said Renan Martins, economist at 4intelligence.

On the demand side, Mr. Martins noted that the planned expansion of income tax exemptions starting in 2026 may be fiscally neutral—offset by higher revenue—but will likely have a significant impact on consumption. “The income brackets that will benefit are the ones most likely to boost aggregate demand, which will affect inflation next year and beyond,” he said.

Mr. Martins has not factored in a potential increase in Bolsa Família cash-transfer payments, despite the upcoming election year. “Due to new eligibility criteria, many families no longer qualify for the program. If the government wants to increase payouts next year, there’s a bit of room for that,” he said.

In his view, most of the fiscal impulse in the coming quarters will come from regional governments. “In recent years, states secured a lot of loans with federal approval or guarantees. Now, heading into another election cycle, they’ll likely strike new deals with Congress to release earmarked funds,” Mr. Martins said.

*By Anaïs Fernandes — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

09/05/2025 

Even before Senate President Davi Alcolumbre convenes a session to review presidential vetoes, Congress is already maneuvering to use a provisional presidential decree (MP) —which creates the Special Environmental License (LAE)—to reinstate nearly the entire text of the environmental licensing bill passed by lawmakers in July.

At the same time, the government acknowledges difficulties in upholding the 63 vetoes issued by President Lula last month.

Just six days after President Lula signed the new licensing law, legislators and senators opposed to the executive’s vetoes filed 833 amendments to the MP, which originally covers only the LAE and consists of just six articles. The LAE, championed at the time by Mr. Alcolumbre, a government ally, is a new type of permit designed to speed up approvals for projects deemed strategic.

Lawmakers are using this as one of their tactics while Mr. Alcolumbre delays calling a joint congressional session to analyze the vetoes — expected in about two weeks, though no date has been set. Overturning Lula’s vetoes is the main goal of these lawmakers, most aligned with the powerful agribusiness caucus, which has been pressing Mr. Alcolumbre to schedule the session.

Congressman Pedro Lupion, head of the Congressional Agricultural Front (FPA), said the government shows no interest in advancing the MP. For now, there is not even a rapporteur or chair for the joint committee, which has yet to be formed. The MP must be voted on within four months, or it will expire.

“We are mobilized to overturn the vetoes. But before that, we submitted amendments to get as close as possible to the bill we approved,” Mr. Lupion told Valor, noting that he alone filed 19 amendments. “We want to force either a vote on the vetoes or on the MP. Something has to happen. The amendments reflect the text of the licensing bill. We are waiting on President Davi [Alcolumbre].”

Congressman Zé Vitor, also from the agribusiness bloc and rapporteur of the licensing bill in the House, noted that the proposed amendments to the MP contain “minor text adjustments that the internal rules previously did not allow.”

Broadly, the hundreds of amendments seek to reinsert into the general licensing law provisions that President Lula vetoed, such as: the Environmental License by Adhesion and Commitment (LAC) for medium-impact projects; exemption from licensing for rural producers whose Rural Environmental Registry (CAR) is still under review; and the removal of requirements to consult intervening agencies—such as the National Foundation for Indigenous Peoples (FUNAI)—in licensing processes affecting non-demarcated areas.

Randolfe Rodrigues, the government’s leader in Congress, said that proposing amendments is a legitimate part of the legislative process but warned that the executive would veto again if lawmakers tried to reinstate sections President Lula had struck down.

He admitted, however, that the government faces difficulty securing enough votes to block an override. The administration has not ruled out challenging the issue in court but is instead seeking a political agreement.

“Issues that violate the Constitution would obviously be subject to review, but we are not working with that scenario. Our focus is on maintaining the vetoes. I admit that keeping them is challenging right now. We are trying to build consensus and a majority, but it is a difficult scenario,” Mr. Rodrigues told Valor.

*By Cristiano Zaia and Caetano Tonet — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

09/05/2025

Central Bank data show Master held R$62.2 billion in deposits eligible for FGC coverage — Foto: Divulgação
Central Bank data show Master held R$62.2 billion in deposits eligible for FGC coverage — Photo: Divulgação

The Central Bank’s decision to block a merger between Banco Master and Banco de Brasília (BRB) has left few alternatives for the financial institution controlled by Daniel Vorcaro. The outcome places Master on the verge of regulatory intervention and, ultimately, liquidation, unless it can resubmit the deal or find a new buyer within days, scenarios analysts see as highly unlikely.

In the event of an intervention, the Central Bank would remove the bank’s executives and appoint an administrator, who would then trigger the Credit Guarantee Fund (FGC) to cover Master’s deposits. While drastic, this is the standard course when no market solution is available for a struggling bank, or when a deal poses a greater systemic risk than allowing a failure.

This was the approach taken in Master’s case, despite political pressure surrounding the decision. The Central Bank did not disclose details, but Valor learned that overvalued loan portfolios were among the problems identified. Should intervention confirm that the bank cannot survive, regulators could order an extrajudicial liquidation to wind down operations.

Because Master expanded by heavily raising funds through certificates of deposit (CDBs), the bill would fall mostly on the FGC, meaning the cost would be borne by large banks and other member institutions of the fund.

Master has not yet published its first-half results. Central Bank data show it held R$62.2 billion in deposits eligible for FGC coverage. Since the fund guarantees up to R$250,000 per depositor, the actual payout would be smaller. Still, when the BRB deal was announced on March 28, estimates suggested the FGC might have to cover around R$50 billion if the bank failed.

Costly payout

With R$107.8 billion in available liquidity, the FGC could see nearly half its resources depleted. In that case, it would likely increase contribution rates and require banks to pay in advance the equivalent of five years of deposits. Financial institutions currently contribute 0.01% per month of eligible deposits. Though small, if doubled and accelerated, the amounts would reach billions of reais for major banks. Itaú Unibanco alone might have to contribute about R$5 billion, sources said.

Other large banks would also face billion-real charges. While this solution avoids public money, it could push up lending spreads.

Master grew rapidly by attracting retail investors with CDBs offering above-market yields, all covered by the FGC. However, the bank invested the funds in risky and illiquid assets.

Founded 30 years ago, the FGC has since guaranteed deposits in 40 failed institutions. Its largest historical payout was R$3.7 billion in 1997 to cover Bamerindus, equivalent to R$19.6 billion today. A bailout of Master would be the biggest in its history.

The bank holds only R$690 million in demand deposits, shielding it from mass withdrawals. Most funding is in term deposits, which cannot be redeemed before maturity. Investors can only try to sell them on secondary markets, often at a discount.

Master’s urgent challenge is meeting maturing deposits. Some CDBs pay up to 140% of the interbank rate (CDI), pushing costs higher. “The CDI alone is at 15% a year, so the carrying cost is extremely high,” a banking executive said.

New deal

Both BRB and Master signaled plans to appeal within the Central Bank, possibly by addressing flagged issues and resubmitting the deal. Analysts, however, see slim chances of approval. The banks have ten days to request a review.

Mr. Vorcaro could also look for another buyer, but this would require a large group capable of closing quickly, an unlikely scenario. He visited the Central Bank headquarters in Brasília on Thursday (4), but people familiar with the matter consider a last-minute solution improbable. In recent months, Mr. Vorcaro negotiated asset sales with BTG Pactual and J&F, the Batista family’s holding company. In May, BTG bought R$1.5 billion in shares, receivables, and other assets.

“The chance of a new buyer is very low. There’s no time for due diligence, especially with Master’s complex balance sheet,” said a lawyer experienced in such transactions. “The Central Bank’s rejection of the BRB deal is practically a ‘pre-intervention.’ It’s hard to see how the next step won’t involve the FGC,” added a senior banking executive, noting that regulators conducted an unusually deep review of Master’s situation.

A quicker way for the bank to raise cash would be to sell loan portfolios, a simpler process than asset sales, though it could worsen challenges later. It might also face Central Bank resistance. “The regulator is watching everything under a microscope, down to a R$100 instant payment,” one source said.

Master has also faced a turbulent week. Federal Police and prosecutors launched a major operation against 40 funds allegedly used to launder money for organized crime. Among the targets were Reag and Trustee, firms with extensive business ties to Mr. Vorcaro and Master.

Meanwhile, a political maneuver by Congress’s centrist bloc to allow lawmakers to dismiss Central Bank directors highlighted Mr. Vorcaro’s lobbying pressure, triggering strong pushback.

Public opinion also turned after images surfaced of Mr. Vorcaro vacationing in Europe while Master was in crisis and had already borrowed R$4 billion from the FGC. He reportedly tried to secure further emergency liquidity from the fund in recent weeks but was denied. Master declined to comment.

*By Álvaro Campos, Talita Moreira and Gabriel Shinohara — São Paulo and Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

09/05/2025 

Global mining profits are set to drop in 2025, extending a streak of weakening operational performance, according to PwC’s 22nd edition of its Global Mine report, which tracks the financial results and outlook of the world’s 40 biggest mining companies.

Vale fell seven spots this year, ranking 12th, while CSN Mineração, which placed 34th in 2024, dropped out of the list altogether.

The study shows that earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization (EBITDA), the key measure of operating performance, slipped 5% in 2024 to $193 billion, marking the second straight year of decline. PwC forecasts another dip in 2025, with EBITDA edging down 1% to $190 billion.

Net income is expected to fall 4% to $88 billion, following a modest 1% gain in 2024 to $92 billion. Consolidated revenue should hold steady at about $863 billion, little changed from 2024’s $867 billion.

The sector has yet to recover from the broad downturn of 2023, when revenues dropped 7%, EBITDA plunged 26%, and profits fell 22%. In 2024, excluding gold, consolidated revenue slipped 3% and Ebitda fell 10%.

“Gold’s strong growth was so significant that we had to trace back its share of revenues to 2022 to show its impact,” said Patrícia Seoane, partner at PwC Brazil.

For 2025, the industry’s top four players will be BHP (Australia), China Shenhua Energy (up one spot), Rio Tinto (down one), and Freeport-McMoRan (up two).

According to Ms. Seoane, profit margins are being squeezed by both rising costs and falling commodity prices. Coal, for example, is under pressure from ESG-driven substitution, while iron ore prices are closely tied to China’s infrastructure cycle.

“China has been the main driver of demand. If it decides to invest heavily in infrastructure, iron ore demand and prices rise. If not, prices fall. We’re seeing iron ore prices decline because those major investments aren’t happening,” she said.

To manage costs, miners are turning to automation, robotics, and higher ore concentration technologies. Preventive maintenance is also key to extending equipment life, Ms. Seoane added. “Companies are laser-focused on cost control—because that’s what they can manage. And today, cost reduction comes through technology.”

PwC also flagged concentration risks, particularly for energy-transition minerals. China accounts for over 50% of production of about 18 minerals and holds over 10% of reserves of more than 35. Diversification of both production and processing locations is seen as crucial to reducing supply chain vulnerability.

Brazil could benefit from this shift as company seek strategic locations to mitigate supply-chain vulnerabilities and price volatility, PwC Brasil said. “We still have many undeveloped reserves of minerals beyond iron or copper,” said Ms. Seoane, citing rare-earths, the second-largest reserves after China, but accounts for less than 1% of global output, according to the U.S. Geological Survey.

However, Brazil’s weak mineral processing capacity remains a bottleneck, she warned. Brazil usually exports raw commodities without value-added processing. “The country loses out on a huge value gap that other economies capture,” Ms. Seoane said. Developing domestic processing also faces hurdles including high costs, political instability, and regulatory uncertainty.

Brazil still has a politically unstable environment, which can affect investment security. That directly impacts why the country has so little mineral processing capacity to keep the value chain here. Yet this is a crucial avenue that could generate significant value for Brazil,” said Ms. Seoane.

While the study does not go into detail on the domestic mining industry, an analysis by PwC Brazil shared with Valor shows that mergers and acquisitions (M&A) have been rising moderately since 2022, reaching 16 deals in 2024 compared with 12 in 2023. So far this year, five transactions have already been completed.

“We’ve seen a modest increase in the number of M&As in Brazil, which shows the industry remains attractive. In other words, it demonstrates that investment in the sector continues to flow,” Ms. Seoane added.

*By Cristian Favaro — São Paulo

Source: Valor international

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

09/04/2025 

Chinese investments in Brazil reached $4.18 billion in 2024, up 113% from $1.97 billion the previous year. The surge far outpaced the 13.8% increase in overall foreign direct investment (FDI) in Brazil last year, according to Central Bank data.

Despite the rebound, flows from China remain well below the record $8.8 billion peak in 2017, when major bets were placed on large-scale oil and energy infrastructure projects. Investments are now more diversified, spread across smaller projects in information technology, manufacturing, and renewable energy. A record number of deals were confirmed in 2024, totaling 39, compared with 29 in 2023 and 28 in 2017.

The figures refer to projects effectively implemented last year, based on data from the Brazil-China Business Council (CEBC). The survey combines information from multiple sources to benchmark Chinese outbound investment. Potential investments in Brazil could have reached $6.2 billion in 2024, if announced projects that failed to materialize had been included.

Brazil was the leading emerging-market destination for Chinese productive capital last year and the third-largest globally, after the United Kingdom and Hungary. In 2023, it ranked ninth. The United States, which has steadily fallen in the rankings in recent years, placed tenth in 2024, according to data from the CEBC and the China Global Investment Tracker (CGIT), a database managed by the U.S.-based think tank American Enterprise Institute.

Tulio Cariello, CEBC’s director of research and content, noted that China’s initial wave of global expansion in the 2000s targeted developed economies as it sought technological upgrading. “With the geopolitical dispute between the U.S. and China, Chinese investors started looking elsewhere,” he said.

Amid the tariff policies adopted under the Donald Trump administration, relations between China and Brazil are likely to deepen. “Geopolitics is positioning Brazil almost directly alongside China in several economic matters,” Mr. Cariello said.

The report highlights that Chinese inflows accelerated at a time when the depreciation of the real made Brazilian assets cheaper in dollar terms. The average exchange rate in 2024 was R$5.39 to the dollar, the highest since the CEBC began tracking Chinese investment in 2010.

Over the past decade, Brazil ranked among the world’s top 10 recipients of Chinese FDI for seven years. From 2007 to 2024, cumulative Chinese investment in Brazil reached $77.5 billion across 303 confirmed projects. Between 2005 and 2024, Brazil was the fourth-largest destination by stock, trailing only the U.S., U.K., and Australia, according to CGIT.

Electric power attracted the largest share of Chinese investment in 2024, totaling $1.43 billion, or 34% of the total, a 115% increase over 2023. Oil followed with 25%, led by nearly $1 billion from China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC)—one of the largest single-year commitments of the past decade, second only to 2021, when Chinese oil companies poured about $5 billion into pre-salt projects. Automotive manufacturing ranked third, with $575 million (14%), and mining came next with $556 million (13%).

“Chinese capital is already firmly established in energy, from hydropower, solar, and wind to oil. What stood out last year was manufacturing, especially tied to electrified vehicles. That has brought investment into machinery, electronics, and equipment for energy generation and transmission,” Mr. Cariello said.

The shift has been accompanied by an increase in the number of projects but a decline in their average size. The average deal fell from $507 million in 2010–2014 to $313 million in 2015–2019, and to $112 million between 2020 and 2024. According to the study, this reflects a trend toward less capital-intensive projects, typically focused on innovation and the energy transition.

By project count, electricity continued to dominate in 2024, accounting for 56% of deals. But the remaining 44% was spread across sectors, with oil extraction at 13% and the production of electrical equipment and vehicles at 10% each.

In line with Brazil’s own industrial policy, Chinese investment in manufacturing has gained traction. A record eight projects were confirmed in 2024, worth a combined $637 million—the second-highest value on record, after $907 million in 2023. Beyond electrified cars, investments covered auto parts, construction machinery, household appliances, textiles, and a wide range of electrical instruments and equipment.

This expansion has also fueled more imports from China. Currently, China is Brazil’s leading export market, with a 29.1% share, and also the largest source of imports, at 25.9%, according to official data. “The bilateral trade relationship has grown and become more complex, which also brings challenges. Some industries, such as steel and vehicles, are under pressure from Chinese imports. While Brazil continues to post a large trade surplus with China, that margin has been narrowing, which is something to watch,” Mr. Cariello noted.

Sustainability and green energy accounted for 69% of Chinese projects in Brazil in 2024, compared with 72% in 2023. Last year, they were 72%.

Mr. Cariello also pointed to the growing Chinese appetite for strategic minerals, which featured in nearly all projects confirmed or announced last year, reflecting the country’s positioning in the global energy transition.

Capital flows are also spreading more evenly across Brazil. While São Paulo and Minas Gerais remain the top destinations, with 13 and six projects respectively, 14 states received new Chinese investments in 2024—six more than in 2023. The record was set in 2019, when 17 states hosted projects.

*By Marta Watanabe — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/