08/27/2025

A second phase of the Sovereign Brazil plan will support companies affected by the 50% tariff imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump, said Guilherme Mello, secretary of Economic Policy at Brazil’s Finance Ministry. In this new phase, the plan’s credit lines, guarantees, and insurance mechanisms will be extended to suppliers of directly impacted companies.

The provisional presidential decree (MP) that created the Sovereign Brazil program already goes beyond assisting companies that export to the United States, Mr. Mello explained. In his view, the measures complement the consumption tax reform by giving Brazilian exporters a competitive edge they never had before. Until now, Brazil’s tax and credit structures had not favored export activity, he said.

The MP changes the rules for accessing the Export Guarantee Fund (FGE), previously limited to large companies. It will now be available to micro and small businesses, which are more vulnerable but also generate more jobs. In addition, the privately managed Foreign Trade Guarantee Fund (FGCE) will receive a capital injection to cover possible defaults in export operations. Additional support will come from guarantees offered by the Operations Guarantee Fund (FGO) and the Investment Guarantee Fund (FGI).

“This package is a true game-changer for Brazil’s exporters,” Mr. Mello said. He added that the new structure will remain in place after the effects of the tariffs have passed.

The contributions to the guarantee funds depend on approval of Supplementary Bill 168/2025, which has not yet been assigned a rapporteur. Mr. Mello believes the bill could move quickly once a political agreement is reached. “I think Congress also sees this as a priority,” he said.

Mr. Mello also said there is room for Brazil’s GDP to grow about 2.5% this year. Although the economic slowdown in the second quarter may be slightly sharper than expected, he noted that growth could stabilize—or even turn slightly positive—in the second half of the year. That outlook will depend on the balance between the impact of the tariffs and the effectiveness of the government’s policy response.

Main excerpts from the interview with Valor:

Valor: What are the structural measures that the Sovereign Brazil plan brings to the export sector?

Guilherme Mello: The most structural part is the change in the export credit model. Until now, the FGE was only accessible to a small group of large companies. After the Car Wash investigation, in particular, export financing fell into a sort of limbo, there was even an ideological campaign against it. It was painted as harmful, when in fact the opposite is true. Export financing is a fundamental part of any country’s development strategy. So what we’ve done is approve a tax reform that exempts investments and exports, and now we’re rebuilding, modernizing, and strengthening our export financing system by removing barriers to the use of the FGE.

ValorWhat were those barriers?

Mr. Mello: Access to the fund was restricted to large companies. We’ve reallocated R$30 billion to support the diversification and export credit lines we’re offering under the Sovereign Brazil plan. This will increase access to the FGE with cheaper credit lines, because we’re using this financial surplus as funding. We’re also transforming the Foreign Trade Guarantee Fund (FGCE).

ValorWhat changes are being made to the FGCE?

Mr. Mello: The FGE is currently a public fund in which 100% of the risk is assumed by the federal government. When a company buys insurance, it pays a premium. If the company defaults, the FGE steps in. Since it’s a public fund, when it pays out to the exporter, it affects the primary budget balance. What we’re doing is turning the FGCE into a first-loss coverage fund. In that setup, the FGE’s capital isn’t touched, it’s protected. Depending on the contract, the FGCE can cover up to 40% of losses, for example. And because the FGCE is private, it can move much more quickly to support small businesses. We’re also enabling the use of other private insurance options through the FGCE. We’re working with CAMEX [Brazil’s Foreign Trade Chamber] to accelerate case reviews, since anti-dumping measures are not allowed under international rules.

ValorSo this is a complete overhaul of the export credit and insurance system?

Mr. Mello: Yes, we’re overhauling the entire insurance model, providing full funding, and eliminating export-related taxes through the tax reform. This package is a true game-changer for Brazil’s exporters.

Valor: Will the changes to the FGCE and FGE go beyond the Sovereign Brazil plan and become permanent?

Mr. Mello: Yes, they are structural. Of course, the funds we allocate to the FGCE under Sovereign Brazil must be used for that plan. But nothing prevents the government from injecting new resources in the future for use in other areas or initiatives.

ValorSo the structure will remain available for future programs?

Mr. Mello: Exactly. And the Sovereign Brazil is designed in an important way. It not only prioritizes support for the most heavily affected companies with lower interest rates, but also provides credit lines to help them diversify markets and adapt their production.

Valor: And what about the companies indirectly affected by the tariffs?

Mr. Mello: In this first phase, we focused on directly affected companies. But we will move forward with a second phase to include companies that are indirectly affected and that are also seeing significant drops in revenue.

Valor: So the second phase will happen for sure, or is it still under evaluation?

Mr. Mello: It will happen. The timeline is under evaluation, as well as the tech development required. For now, our priority is to operationalize the measures already announced. There’s an urgent task of building the technological capability so that BNDES [Brazilian Development Bank] and the banks have the necessary data—such as company tax ID numbers—for those eligible.

We expect this tech development to be ready by September 7 or 8. From that point, the bank will be able to start operating the new credit line. It’s important to stress: the credit lines will operate, but for small and mid-sized businesses to access them, they will need guarantees. Banks won’t issue loans without them to companies that are heavily affected. That’s why we proposed the supplementary bill to allocate funds to the guarantee mechanisms.

ValorSo it’s crucial for Congress to approve the bill soon to avoid small and medium-sized businesses being denied loans?

Mr. Mello: It would be very important for Congress to approve the bill by early September, so that when the credit line goes live, it reaches all affected companies, not just the larger ones.

ValorAnd how is the legislative process going?

Mr. Mello: These things can move very quickly once an agreement is reached.

Valor: There’s no rapporteur yet, and no vote is expected this week. Is the delay concerning?

Mr. Mello: I wouldn’t say it’s concerning, but it is a topic already under discussion, and we’ll push to speed things up. I think Congress also sees this as a priority. Obviously, no one wants to leave anyone behind. Failing to support companies—especially small and mid-sized ones that are more financially vulnerable but account for a large share of jobs—would come at too high a cost. We still believe there’s some room for the economy to maintain that 2.5% [growth] pace, but we have to keep a close eye on developments.

ValorOnce the bill is passed, will the government issue a provisional presidential decree for extraordinary credit to inject funds into the guarantee mechanisms? And will the funds be disbursed quickly after that?

Mr. Mello: Very quickly. We may need to make some adjustments to the fund rules, but banks already work with these funds.

ValorWill additional resources be needed in the second phase, when the plan is extended to suppliers?

Mr. Mello: No. We designed the plan to fit within the resources outlined in the bill: R$4.5 billion in contributions to guarantee funds and up to R$5 billion from Reintegra [a tax refund program for exporters]. Reintegra is also a way for us to support exporters who still operate under a tax regime that generates accumulating credits. When we say “up to” [R$5 billion], it’s based on a preliminary estimate assuming all affected companies would have access. But Reintegra will also follow prioritization criteria, so it’s likely the amount will end up being lower.

ValorIs this package enough to deliver the structural reforms, or is there more to come beyond the supplier issue?

Mr. Mello: From a structural standpoint, I think it’s enough. It addresses the main bottlenecks: access to the FGE, a second, faster and simpler private fund (FGCE) that covers first losses, and low-cost funding for the process. The combination of export credit reform and tax reform—which removes the burden of taxes on exports—will give Brazil’s export sector a level of competitiveness it has never had.

Agribusiness is a major exporter, but it has distinct advantages that were built over time: through Embrapa, technological development, and investments by the entrepreneurs themselves. But this kind of structured support never existed for industry. Only a few specific industrial sectors have managed to integrate into global export chains. The steps we’re taking now are essential for reversing that trend.

ValorWill the new Reintegra include prioritization criteria?

Mr. Mello: Yes. We’ll issue regulations outlining how Reintegra will prioritize companies, which will also depend on the bill’s [approval].

Valor: Some industrial sectors are calling for faster anti-dumping measures to prevent a flood of foreign products into Brazil. Do you agree?

Mr. Mello: Some sectors have faced very tough competition that severely hampers their investment plans. We’re working with CAMEX to speed up case assessments, since anti-dumping actions must follow international rules. This is different from what the U.S. is doing with its tariffs, which lack economic or commercial justification and are completely outside internationally established trade rules. Dumping is another matter. We’ve already been in talks with several sectors, and we’re working to speed up all the required procedures for cases where there is clearly an impact on domestic production.

ValorAnd what about safeguard measures?

Mr. Mello: Safeguards can also be used if dumping or other unfair practices are confirmed. But again, everything must follow international trade conventions.

ValorNow turning to the macro outlook. The IPCA-15 inflation index for August showed deflation, and GDP figures will be released next week. What should we expect?

Mr. Mello: When the tariff hike began, some economists said it could be inflationary. I said the impact on inflation would be small, and if any, it would tend to be disinflationary. And I believe that view is proving accurate. A combination of factors explains it: the appreciation of the real, which is stable around R$5.40; the drop in food prices; and the fact that the Brazilian economy is clearly slowing compared to the first quarter as expected.

We’re now seeing that the second-quarter slowdown is a bit sharper than initially forecast, mainly due to the cumulative and lagging effects of monetary policy. We still expect slight growth in the second quarter, and near-stability in the last two quarters of the year.

Valor: What could change this outlook?

Mr. Mello: Many factors, beyond monetary policy, can push activity levels up or down. For example, in July, the federal government paid court-ordered debts [precatórios]. So while interest rates are weighing on the economy, the precatórios may provide some support. Credit is still growing, and now with the new policies we’ve announced, more credit could become available. The final balance of these forces will determine the pace of growth,, whether closer to 2% or 2.5%.

Valor: What’s your bet?

Mr. Mello: We believe there’s still room for the economy to maintain 2.5% growth, but we need to watch closely. Obviously, a 15% interest rate sustained for months has an impact on activity, that’s what it’s designed to do. Based on the metrics we have, the slowdown in the second quarter was more pronounced than expected. But we still see prospects for slight growth or stability in the final quarters, based on the overall balance of factors. And we still don’t know the full net effect of the tariffs.

Valor: And what are the prospects for 2026?

Mr. Mello: Fiscal policy will likely be closer to neutral, while monetary policy should remain tight, though probably less so than this year. The drop in interest rates could give credit a bigger boost, and the set of policies we’ve adopted will encourage companies to take a more export-oriented approach, which requires investment. So we still see potential growth close to our long-term trend in 2026. Of course, this will depend on how the economy performs through the end of this year, the statistical carryover, and how monetary policy evolves.

ValorAre you concerned that compensation for the income tax reform might not be approved?

Mr. Mello: I believe Congressional leaders understand the importance of maintaining neutrality. The rapporteur included it in his report. I’d say this isn’t just a fiscal issue, it’s about tax justice. Anyone opposing compensation isn’t just standing against the government or damaging public finances and macroeconomic stability. They are defending the continuation of Brazil’s current income inequality.

*By Lu Aiko Otta, Jéssica Sant’Ana and Ruan Amorim — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com

 

 

 

 

08/26/2025 

Brazilian Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira and Canada’s Minister of International Trade Maninder Sidhu announced on Monday (25) the resumption of negotiations for a possible free trade agreement between Canada and Mercosur, the South American bloc currently chaired by Brazil. As Valor had reported, Canada is one of Brazil’s top bets to diversify its export markets in response to the tariff hikes imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump.

As part of this effort, Mr. Vieira confirmed a Brazilian business mission is scheduled for Toronto from September 10 to 12 to strengthen commercial ties. A face-to-face meeting between lead negotiators from both sides is also planned for October in Brazil to advance the talks.

According to Brazil’s Foreign Ministry, Mr. Sidhu will remain in the country until Wednesday (27), with a visit to São Paulo’s industry federation FIESP on Tuesday. In a joint statement with Mr. Vieira, the Canadian minister said he had also met with Vice President and Minister of Development, Industry and Trade Geraldo Alckmin, and with Energy and Mines Minister Alexandre Silveira.

Mr. Vieira said the reopening of talks followed discussions held in June between President Lula and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney on the sidelines of the G7 summit in Alberta.

He emphasized that both Brazil and Canada are concerned about “the rise of trade restrictions” and measures that “distort legitimate trade flows without technical justification” while weakening the principles that should guide such relations. He stressed that the two countries share the goal of strengthening the rules-based multilateral trading system, with the World Trade Organization (WTO) playing a central role.

Mr. Sidhu noted that at a time when rules-based trade “is under threat,” Canada is seeking partners with a “like-minded” approach to preserve this framework.

The U.S. has slapped Brazil with a 50% tariff, with limited exceptions, while Canada faces a general 35% tariff on its exports, also with several exemptions. Canada is pursuing its own bilateral trade deal with Washington.

Trade ties

Mr. Vieira highlighted that economic relations between Brazil and Canada are already significant. In 2024, Canada ranked as Brazil’s ninth-largest export market and moved up to seventh place in the first seven months of 2025.

Bilateral trade between the two countries reached $9.1 billion in 2024, with Brazilian exports to Canada totaling $6.3 billion, up nearly 10% from the previous year. Canada is also the 11th-largest foreign investor in Brazil, with direct investments amounting to $28 billion.

Diversifying partnerships

Beyond Canada, Brazil is pursuing negotiations with the United Arab Emirates and engaging in dialogue with India and Vietnam. Vietnam, in particular, has been identified by President Lula as a potential partner for a Mercosur free trade agreement.

To advance these efforts, the Foreign Ministry is preparing two presidential trips for October. Mr. Lula will attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Malaysia, and is also expected to make a state visit to Indonesia, a country of over 280 million people with significant consumer market potential.

*By Renan Truffi, Sofia Aguiar and Andrea Jubé, Valor — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

 

 

08/26/2025

The Attorney General’s Office (AGU) has asked the Federal Police to open an investigation into the spread of fake news targeting the National Financial System. The request came after Banco do Brasil (BB) appealed to the AGU to take action against attacks on the institution by Bolsonaro supporters.

In its filing, the AGU cited posts with the potential to “foment a true bank run for the withdrawal of funds” and damage Brazil’s economy. The request was sent to the Federal Police last Friday (22) and disclosed on Monday (25). Spreading false information against a financial institution is considered a crime.

“Since August 19, 2025, several social media accounts have been circulating fake news involving agents of the national financial system, especially Banco do Brasil, in reaction to the bank’s institutional stance regarding sanctions imposed by the U.S. Treasury Department through OFAC [Office of Foreign Assets Control], under the so-called Magnitsky Act,” said the AGU’s National Office for the Defense of Democracy (PNDD), which authored the request.

In a letter sent Friday, Banco do Brasil pointed to posts by federal lawmaker Gustavo Gayer (Liberal Party, PL, Goiás) and lawyer Jeffrey Chiquini, who defends Filipe Martins, a former aide to ex-president Jair Bolsonaro (PL). Both urged clients to withdraw their money from banks. The bank also cited a post by Federal Deputy Eduardo Bolsonaro (PL of São Paulo), currently on leave, claiming BB was headed for bankruptcy.

According to the bank’s letter, Bolsonaro supporters have been misusing a section of BB’s own statement to claim it would not enforce Magnitsky sanctions in Brazil, citing the part in which the bank said it would act “in compliance with Brazilian law.”

The AGU said the circulation of messages encouraging depositors to pull their money out was intended to pressure financial agents and generate “chaos” in the National Financial System. “There is a coordinated campaign of mass postings seeking to terrorize society with the imminent prospect of a system-wide collapse,” the filing read.

The PNDD asked for an investigation into the material facts and their authorship, “which may also overlap with criminal probes already under way under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court.”

In the formal complaint, the AGU specifically mentioned only Mr. Chiquini’s posts. In a statement, the lawyer denied authorship of the post cited and said his remarks concerned stock investments amid growing “legal uncertainty,” which, he argued, makes the market unpredictable. He said his comments merely anticipated a market movement. “My remarks are far from constituting a criminal offense; they are simply an observation of the reality of U.S. law, which has been widely discussed by jurists worldwide. Just read the Magnitsky Act to understand the obvious,” he said.

In response to the bank’s letter, Mr. Gayer’s office said the lawmaker’s comments did not mention any financial institution directly. “Gayer commented on the consequences of Justice Moraes’ statements, which themselves could lead to a collapse in Brazilian banks,” his staff said. Eduardo Bolsonaro did not respond before publication.

Justice Alexandre de Moraes was sanctioned under the Magnitsky Act in July. Earlier this month, Supreme Court Justice Flávio Dino ruled that foreign laws, administrative acts, and executive or judicial orders should not be automatically applied in Brazil. Shortly after, Moraes warned in an interview that Brazilian banks could face punishment if they enforced U.S. sanctions against Brazilian assets.

Banco do Brasil, which manages payroll for Supreme Court staff, canceled at least one U.S.-branded credit card held by Mr. Moraes, Valor revealed last week.

The sharper decline in some blue chips — including Banco do Brasil — weighed on the Ibovespa on Monday. BB shares closed down 2.20%, while the benchmark stock index finished flat, edging up 0.04% to 138,025 points.

Market participants attributed part of BB’s negative performance to the news that the bank had filed its complaint with the AGU, alleging Bolsonarists were trying to sow “chaos” in the system. “What Eduardo [Bolsonaro] has been saying doesn’t help BB, but picking a fight with Bolsonarists isn’t good either,” one trader said, requesting anonymity.

The sell-off comes at a sensitive time for BB shares, which are already under pressure from second-quarter results and uncertainty about how banks will implement Magnitsky sanctions.

Igor Barenboim, chief economist at Reach Capital, said banks understand the risks of failing to comply with Magnitsky sanctions. He added that there has been a surge in legal consultations to assess the scope of the measure. “Large banks are managed very professionally. As difficult as this situation is, they will find a solution that doesn’t harm their business,” he said. “We see only a remote risk of this going wrong, and we believe shareholder value will remain protected,” he added, noting his firm was holding positions in the banking sector.

By Giullia Colombo, Tiago Angelo and Bruna Furlani, Valor — Brasília and São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

08/26/2025 

Brazil’s IPCA-15 consumer price index fell 0.14% in August, reversing July’s 0.33% increase, the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) reported Tuesday (26). It was the first monthly decline since July 2023, when the index slipped 0.07%. In August 2024, the gauge had risen 0.19%.

The IPCA-15 is a preview of the broader IPCA inflation index. It reflects the spending patterns of households earning between one and 40 minimum wages across nine metropolitan areas, plus Brasília and Goiânia. The main difference from the full IPCA is the data collection period and geographic coverage.

The result came in slightly above market expectations. A Valor Data survey of 22 consultancies and financial institutions projected a 0.22% drop, with forecasts ranging from a 0.28% decrease to a 0.09% gain.

Over 12 months, inflation slowed to 4.95% from 5.3% in July. The rate had stayed above 5% for five straight months, starting in March, when it reached 5.26%. Analysts had expected 4.88%, with estimates ranging from 4.80% to 5.26%.

The Central Bank’s target for 2025 is 3%, with a tolerance band of 1.5 percentage points in either direction.

Among the nine spending categories that make up the IPCA-15, household goods and clothing shifted back to positive territory, moving from -0.02% to 0.03% and from -0.10% to 0.17%, respectively. Health and personal care rose more sharply, from 0.25% to 0.64%, while personal expenses jumped from 0.25% to 1.09% and education from 0% to 0.78%.

Food and beverages fell more steeply, from -0.06% to -0.53%, while housing moved from a 0.98% gain to a 1.13% drop. Transportation and communication also turned negative, falling 0.47% and 0.17%, respectively.

Diffusion index

Price increases were more widespread in August. The diffusion index—which measures the share of items registering price gains—rose to 57.2% from 51.2% in July, according to Valor Data. Excluding food, often one of the most volatile components, the index jumped to 64.9% from 51.2%.

*By Lucianne Carneiro — Rio de Janeiro

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

08/22/2025

The share of investors intending to add Brazilian stocks to their portfolios dropped from 34% in July to 21% in August, according to an XP platform survey conducted with investment advisors. The research shows that tension with the United States is increasing risk perception among Brazilian investors.

Conversely, the slice of investors looking to reduce stock allocation rose from 7% to 16% during this period. Meanwhile, the percentage of people who do not intend to change their investments increased from 59% to 64% over the same timeframe.

Investor sentiment toward the stock market has deteriorated. The share of investors who gave a score of 7 or higher to the equity market fell from 65% last month to 54% this month. The average response was 6.2 in August, below the 6.8 from the previous month. On average, investors expect the Ibovespa to remain at the current level of 135,000 points by the end of this year, down from 142,000 points in the previous survey.

Concern about fiscal policy decreased from 47% to 41%, but remains the biggest risk to the stock market. Meanwhile, concern about unstable politics grew from 22% to 28%. Concern about geopolitical risks increased from 4% to 12%.

Many advisors indicated that changes in the commercial relationship between Brazil and the U.S. led to a more defensive positioning by investors: 49% reported an increase in Brazilian fixed-income investments, 29% in dollar-denominated investments, and 11% in defensive Brazilian stocks. However, 38% of advisors stated there were no significant changes in portfolios.

Fixed income continues as the most preferred asset class. The percentage of investors interested in fixed-income investments rose from 73% to 77%. In contrast, interest in stocks fell from 36% to 31%, while interest in international investments climbed from 42% to 48%. Multi-market (or hedge) funds and equity funds remain the investments with the lowest interest, at just 9% and 6%, respectively.

Long-term focus is key

Most specialists recommend increasing allocation to Brazilian stocks at this time only if the investor is focused on long-term gains and can withstand the volatility that tends to occur in the short term. They say the stock market is cheap and will rise, but the problem is that it’s uncertain when this rally will happen.

Despite caution with equity investments, several specialists advise adding higher yielding fixed-income investments to portfolios, such as prefixed bonds and inflation-linked securities, already anticipating the beginning of interest rate cuts next year. The expectation is that the benchmark interest rate, the Selic, will remain at 15% until the end of 2025, but fall to 12.50% by the end of 2026.

Prefixed bonds and inflation-linked securities carry higher risk than securities that track the CDI or Selic because their rates fluctuate more and may eventually cause losses if redeemed before maturity. However, they may provide higher returns if interest rates decline, especially for investors who wait until maturity to withdraw their money.

*By Júlia Lewgoy, Valor Investe — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

08/22/2025 

Before Operation Ícaro, which investigates corruption in the reimbursement of Tax on Circulation of Goods and Services (ICMS) credits involving the Ultrafarma and Fast Shop chains, the pharmacy retailer had already been facing lawsuits from São Paulo city and other municipalities in the state over unpaid taxes and fees. In some of these cases, the company argued that tax debts were barred statute of limitations, claimed procedural errors, or even paid part of the debts, but the proceedings remained in court.

A review of lawsuits filed with the São Paulo State Court of Justice, where the chain is concentrated, shows that some collections date back 13 years without successful payment.

One lawsuit filed by the São Paulo City Hall for nearly R$200,000, under the tax enforcement court, began in 2019, when the company failed to settle the initial claim. Ultrafarma argued that the debt certificate was flawed, but the court held that it was sufficiently clear and granted five days for settlement.

The case then stalled, remained suspended for a year in 2021, and only resumed on Wednesday (20), days after Operation Ícaro exposed the alleged corruption scheme, when the court reported that it was awaiting the terms of an installment plan.

Another lawsuit, from 2018, concerned unpaid health-waste collection fees totaling R$243,000 for 2012, 2013, and 2016. Since taxpayers can only be charged within five years of the obligation arising, only the 2012 debts were time-barred.

This debate dragged on for three years, with a change of judge, until the case advanced this month, on August 20, when the court reported that it had been included in a debt-recovery package prepared by the City Hall and the National Justice Council (CNJ), covering around 11,700 lawsuits. Ultrafarma is part of this group, but the installment plan is still pending.

In Santa Isabel (São Paulo), where Ultrafarma’s owner, Sidney Oliveira, lives, a 2022 lawsuit over a much smaller debt—R$740 in tax on services (ISS)—was paid nearly a year and a half later, but the case remains in court. “Silence will be interpreted as abandonment of the case, leading to its dismissal,” the tax enforcement court reported on July 29.

Ultrafarma’s lawyers, as well as the São Paulo and Santa Isabel city halls, declined to comment.

On August 12, the São Paulo state Prosecution Service launched Operation Ícaro, targeting Ultrafarma, Fast Shop, and the Finance Secretariat’s tax enforcement chief, Artur Silva Neto. Prosecutors are investigating whether Mr. Silva Neto received bribes to expedite Tax on Circulation of Goods and Services (ICMS) reimbursements for the companies.

On Thursday (21), Fast Shop director Mario Gomes had his R$25 million bail suspended and remains free after being released from temporary detention. Mr. Oliveira is seeking the same relief, claiming he lacks the funds.

Other companies cited in the investigation include Oxxo, fuel retailer Rede 28, and houseware chain Krystalmix. Authorities estimate R$1 billion may have been paid in bribes, with additional firms under scrutiny.

A potential plea deal by Mr. Silva Neto is adding pressure on the companies, given the possible revelations about the scheme. In case records, Judge Paulo Mello of the 1st Court for Tax Crimes even cited the potential impact of such a collaboration.

In recent days, executives in the food retail and pharmacy sectors have been exchanging messages to determine whether other competitors might also be implicated.

The concern is whether the alleged scheme involved not only expediting approvals but also inflating requests and creating fake reimbursement invoices, a line of inquiry that prosecutors were still pursuing last week, according to sources.

Valor has also learned that Smart Tax, a company owned by Mr. Silva Neto’s mother and allegedly the hub of the scheme, approached firms in the services sector, including mobile telecom operators, to offer ways to speed up reimbursements.

Executives from pharmacy chains told Valor that, in their dealings with the São Paulo Finance Secretariat, there is no direct access to tax auditors by phone or messaging—as alleged in the Ultrafarma and Fast Shop case. However, they said some officials act like “key account managers” for taxpayers with large ICMS volumes.

“They call us every month to check on sales performance, which helps them project ICMS collections,” said the CFO of a pharmacy chain. “We never know when we’ll get our credits released, but they want to know about revenues.”

The Ultrafarma investigation has also revived reports of personal disputes between Mr. Oliveira and Manoel Conde Neto, who founded Farma Conde in 1993, one of the most traditional chains in the Vale do Paraíba and North Coast areas.

Mr. Conde Neto was arrested in Operation Monte Cristo in 2017, which uncovered a tax-evasion scheme involving pharmacies and distributors. He was indicted, convicted in 2023 to four years and eight months in prison, but later received a judicial pardon under a plea deal.

He was also the first to name Mr. Oliveira to prosecutors and the Organized Crime Task Force (Gaeco) in a 2021 deposition. For some industry executives, this marked the beginning of Mr. Oliveira’s legal troubles.

“They haven’t spoken in years, and don’t want to hear each other’s names. Sidney hired some of Manoel’s former staff in the past, which caused problems,” said the owner of a family-run chain in São Paulo. “If Sidney is convicted, two of the industry’s most prominent businessmen could end up behind bars.”

According to prosecutors in São José dos Campos (São Paulo), the scheme involved products “traveling” between Goiás and São Paulo to pay less ICMS. In his deposition, Mr. Conde Neto cited Ultrafarma as an example: at one point, it sold two erectile dysfunction pills for R$0.67, when the ICMS cost alone would have been R$3.13.

“Until last year, Ultrafarma was selling at inexplicable prices, and it’s inexplicable that the tax authority didn’t shut them down. Even I underreported 10% of sales, while they underreported 60%,” Mr. Conde Neto told prosecutors at the time. Ultrafarma later paid R$31.9 million in fines following three tax assessments and struck a deal with prosecutors.

In a statement, Ultrafarma said it is cooperating with the investigation and that the information reported “will be duly clarified during the proceedings and will demonstrate innocence throughout the trial.” Mr. Conde Neto’s lawyers did not comment. The São Paulo Finance Department also declined to comment.

*By Adriana Mattos — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

08/22/2025 

The cancellation of a credit card issued by Banco do Brasil (BB) marked the first known consequence of applying the Magnitsky Act to Federal Supreme Court (STF) Justice Alexandre de Moraes. The move, revealed Thursday (21) by Valor, reignited debate over the scope of the measure and the risks it poses for financial institutions.

The unprecedented step, combined with the law’s vague wording, has led banks to seek multiple legal opinions. For now, financial institutions are taking a narrow approach, complying with the act strictly as written. That means closing accounts of sanctioned individuals in U.S. subsidiaries and blocking cards with international networks. In Brazil, Mastercard, Visa, and Amex — all American brands — operate alongside Elo, controlled by BB, Bradesco, and Caixa.

In Mr. Moraes’ case, his card was canceled because it carried an American brand, not because BB has significant operations in the United States. He was offered an Elo card as a replacement, but it can only be used for domestic purchases, not dollar transactions. The justice does not hold accounts abroad, and banks have interpreted that nothing prevents him from maintaining his domestic BB account, through which he receives his salary.

Although this is the first time the Magnitsky Act has been applied to a Brazilian citizen, banks with U.S. operations are not entirely unfamiliar with the measure. Around 700 people worldwide are subject to sanctions, and financial institutions routinely cross-check that list against their client base.

An industry executive with decades of experience said the concern lies in the Trump administration’s “distorted use” of the law, originally designed to target terrorists and combat money laundering. “International sanctions of that kind, the ones that go onto OFAC’s [U.S. Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control] list, are truly broad — no American company could have a relationship with a Brazilian bank holding an account for Moraes. But this law is not applicable to him, so Brazil should just stay put, wait for things to calm down, and this might all amount to nothing,” he said.

Another industry source noted that restrictions on Mr. Moraes are not as severe as those imposed on terrorists. “Banks are trying to do the minimum, within the law, with the options available, and then wait. If the U.S. government presses them, claiming the rules aren’t being enforced, they’ll adjust,” said another sector leader.

Much of the industry believes further sanctions can be avoided if the STF and the Brazilian and U.S. governments refrain from escalating tensions.

Even so, the climate is tense, partly because this is a technical application of a politically charged issue. The situation grew more complex after Justice Flávio Dino ruled that foreign laws must be ratified by local authorities before being enforced in Brazil.

On Wednesday (21), Mr. Moraes himself backed Mr. Dino’s view. “If banks decide to apply the law internally, they cannot. And then they could be penalized domestically,” he told Reuters.

Mr. Dino’s decision has prompted banking representatives to make the rounds in Brasília, seeking to prevent the crisis from worsening. Some interlocutors believe the restrictions adopted so far do not defy the minister’s ruling.

Similarly, a BTG Pactual report circulated this week suggested that banks could close or segregate accounts as an internal policy, avoiding direct confrontation with the STF.

Some industry voices argue Brazil could find support among American companies. Local banks are major consumers of U.S. card networks, technology providers, and service firms. “Brazil is among the top three markets for a major card network. Will it want to lose that?” asked a representative of a large bank.

Although not considered the base case, banking executives see risks of more radical measures if the dispute between Brazil and the United States worsens. “If Trump decides to push this to the limit, the consequences could be drastic,” one source said. “We’ve been consulting with many lawyers. For now, that’s not the expected scenario, but the list of sanctioned individuals could grow, penalties could deepen. In the extreme, an entire bank could be sanctioned, or even Brazil as a country,” said another.

BB declined to comment, as did other financial institutions, citing banking secrecy in Mr. Moraes’ case. The bank has been the target of social media rumors, and its shares are down 15.58% this year.

On Wednesday, BB president Tarciana Medeiros, without naming names, criticized those who undermine the institution. “It is highly irresponsible when a Brazilian calls into question the soundness and integrity of a company like Banco do Brasil,” she said. Her remarks echoed the rhetoric of government officials who have criticized Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro (Liberal Party, PL, São Paulo) for lobbying in the U.S. for sanctions against Brazil.

Mr. Moraes did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

*By Talita Moreira and Álvaro Campos  — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

08/21/2025

Brazil’s Administrative Council for Economic Defense (CADE) has reached a majority in favor of approving the merger between giant meatpackers BRF and Marfrig without restrictions, even though the final vote has been postponed after Counselor Carlos Jacques requested more time to review the case.

So far, four counselors have voted to approve the deal, diverging from the position of the case’s rapporteur, Counselor Gustavo Augusto, who also favored approval but proposed restrictions on the Saudi Agricultural and Livestock Investment Company (SALIC). Through its subsidiary Salic International Investment Company (SIIC), the Saudi fund holds shares in the merged company and could potentially exercise political rights. The majority, however, opted not to rule on this point.

The issue was brought forward by Minerva, a competitor in the beef market, which argued that SALIC’s shareholding structure could give the fund undue influence over direct competitors in the fresh beef segment. Minerva, in which SALIC also holds a stake, warned of possible competitive distortions.

Minerva’s attorney, former CADE counselor Luiz Hoffmann, stressed during Wednesday’s oral arguments that “SALIC will indeed have an active presence in the post-merger scenario.” He also raised concerns about the combined purchasing power of BRF and Marfrig and the strengthened brand portfolio, since the two companies together control 37 brands.

Mr. Hoffmann argued that the deal should have been filed as an incorporation rather than a simple acquisition, which would affect how Marfrig’s control over the new entity is assessed. The case had initially been approved by the CADE’s General Superintendence but was escalated to the tribunal following Minerva’s appeal.

Representing BRF and Marfrig, attorney Victor Rufino countered that SALIC’s permanence in the new company is not guaranteed, since the Saudi fund has a defined exit period. Should SALIC remain a shareholder, he said, its position would be duly reported to the CADE.

Mr. Rufino dismissed Minerva’s claims as being driven more by “a private vendetta against Marfrig” than by legitimate competition concerns, pointing to ongoing disputes between the companies, including a breach-of-contract lawsuit and an arbitration proceeding.

In his vote, Rapporteur Gustavo Augusto emphasized that the merger represents a complex corporate restructuring rather than a mere acquisition of equity. “This cannot be characterized as a simple purchase of shares by a controlling shareholder. It involves a far-reaching corporate reorganization that reshapes the competitive landscape,” he said.

Mr. Augusto argued that concerns over the combined portfolio of BRF and Marfrig were overstated, noting that competitors such as JBS and Minerva remain capable of challenging the merged company’s market power. However, he acknowledged lingering uncertainty over SALIC’s potential influence, stating that the fund’s notification on its role does not rule out the exercise of political rights.

Counselor Victor Fernandes opposed Mr. Augusto’s approach, voting to approve the merger without addressing SALIC’s participation. His position was supported by counselors Diogo Thomson, Camila Cabral Pires Alves, and José Levi, forming the current majority in favor of unconditional approval.

BRF and Marfrig declined to comment on the matter.

*By Beatriz Olivon and Guilherme Pimenta, Globo Rural — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

08/21/2025 

“If you build it, they will come.” The line made famous by the 1989 film Field of Dreams is repeated several times during a lively conversation at the Nonno Ruggero restaurant in the Hotel Fasano, São Paulo. But this is not a gathering of film buffs or art critics. Organized exclusively for Valor by the team behind the mega innovation event SP2B, the lunch brought together executives from some of the world’s largest investment companies.

The guests were Michael Safdie of Springhill Ventures (Israel), Jason Tan of Jeneration Capital (Hong Kong, Asia), and Pogos Saiadian of Greyhound Capital (Europe). Brazilian host Bernardo Zamijovsky, of VR Investimentos and one of the curators of SP2B, welcomed the group. Later that evening, Ricardo Kanitz of Spectra Invest (Brazil) joined them for a debate at SPHall.

On both occasions, the executives discussed how Brazil can become more attractive to international investors, particularly those interested in digital transformation ventures.

In short, the country faces four main challenges: high interest rates, exchange rates that disadvantage start-ups, a shortage of engineers, and the absence of models and organizations that integrate government and private capital under a unified innovation strategy.

As in the film, in which a farmer builds a baseball field on his land after hearing a mysterious voice—ultimately drawing legendary, long-deceased players to a historic game—the perception is that if Brazil lays the necessary groundwork, investors will come.

Below are the main topics discussed at the meeting:

Shortage of professionals

Between 2015 and 2022, approximately 6,500 Brazilian scientists left the country to work abroad, according to the Center for Strategic Studies Management, affiliated with the Ministry of Science, Technology, and Innovation. The main reasons are a lack of investment and frozen scholarships. In information technology, particularly among engineers, training remains insufficient. An estimated 159,000 graduates are needed each year, but only 53,000 currently complete their studies. This gap could result in a shortage of 106,000 professionals by 2029.

“We are exporting engineers, even though there is a shortage in the local market,” says Mr. Zamijovsky. Many remain in Brazil but are under contract with Big Tech companies, he adds.

In Southeast Asia, the problem is similar. In Indonesia, for example, too few engineers graduate, says Mr. Tan. To avoid this risk, countries such as China, India, and Israel invested heavily in training programs—and succeeded, he notes.

In Hong Kong, talented professionals can even obtain citizenship in just one year through a government program. “You have to start with the people. Otherwise, the [investor’s] money comes into the country, but it doesn’t stay.”

Local or global?

Even with the war in the Middle East, geopolitical risk has not affected the investment environment in Israel, says Mr. Safdie. The reason? “All companies are created with an international focus, mainly on the U.S.,” he explains, both in terms of consumers and fundraising.

“In terms of raising capital for Israeli high-tech companies, in the first half of the year alone we reached $10 billion—the same as the United Kingdom, close to China, and above India,” says Mr. Safdie, who is the son of a Brazilian father and speaks Portuguese fluently.

Is it mandatory for entrepreneurs to have an international outlook from the outset? “It depends,” replies Mr. Safdie. “If it’s a B2C company, definitely not, because there is a huge consumer market in Brazil. But if you look at the B2B market, you still need to focus abroad.”

Entrepreneurial qualities

“We look for three things,” says Mr. Saiadian. “One is being customer-obsessed. We notice this when we talk to the entrepreneur and they mention the customer and the problem to be solved several times. The second is being product-obsessed, with a focus on details and quality. Finally, it’s being very execution-oriented and moving quickly.”

Brazil operates in cycles, with several funds arriving simultaneously and then departing. “It becomes a desert.” Execution, he stresses, is even more important in these periods.

Interest rates and currency

“The volatility of our exchange rate is one of the biggest obstacles to attracting foreign investment in Brazil. We have experienced one of the most extended cycles of the dollar’s appreciation against other currencies, which has lasted more than 15 years. Many investors believe it will last forever. This perception drives capital away from Brazil to other emerging markets,” says Mr. Kanitz.

For Brazilian investors, the challenge is the interest rate, says Mr. Zamijovsky. “Even though the return on venture capital is attractive, the interest rate is 15% per year.” By comparison, the rate is 4.5% in Israel and 3% in China.

Quantity and price

Brazil has an advantage in the volume of customer purchases provided by its vast population, but the same does not apply to prices, notes Mr. Saiadian. Digital banks, for example, already have hundreds of millions of customers, demonstrating their numerical strength, but there are limits to what they can charge.

Greyhound Capital invested in a Japanese company that added new features to its software to the point where some customers now pay $1,000 per month for the service. In Brazil, customers value new features, but the ceiling is typically around $35.

Public and private

The innovation chain in Brazil will only be complete when there are models that integrate government and the private sector. This is a consensus position.

In Israel, according to Mr. Safdie, the Office of the Chief Scientist acts as an intermediary with an annual budget of approximately $500 million. The United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have created incentive programs for companies that set up operations in the country or hire local staff, says Mr. Tan.

“It is essential to establish an international hub, such as Silicon Valley in the U.S. That is what we are going to try to do. São Paulo meets these conditions,” emphasizes Mr. Zamijovsky.

*By João Luiz Rosa — São Paulo
Source: Valor International
https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

08/21/2025

Justices of Brazil’s Federal Supreme Court (STF) have resumed meetings with representatives of financial institutions following a ruling issued Monday (18) by Justice Flávio Dino against the immediate enforcement in Brazil of foreign laws, court rulings, administrative acts, and executive orders.

Justice Cristiano Zanin met Tuesday (19) at 6:30 p.m. with Rodrigo Maia, former speaker of the Chamber of Deputies and now president of the National Confederation of Financial Institutions (formerly CNF, now FIN). The two had already met earlier this month after Mr. Zanin was appointed rapporteur in a case seeking to prevent the STF from allowing the blocking of Justice Alexandre de Moraes’s bank accounts. Since Monday, other justices have also met with bank representatives.

According to reporting by Valor, banks remain uncertain about the full scope of Dino’s decision. On one hand, they fear sanctions from the United States; on the other, fines from the Supreme Court should they fail to comply with the Brazilian order.

The ruling has fueled uncertainty in the sector. On Tuesday (19), the day after Mr. Dino’s move, banks lost more than R$38 billion in market value amid concerns that the justice’s reaction could trigger stricter enforcement of the law by the Donald Trump administration. Shares partly recovered yesterday.

Bankers head to Brasília

Through industry associations, financial institutions have been lobbying in Brasília to defuse tensions as relations between Brazil and the U.S. escalate.

Mr. Zanin is handling a case filed by Federal Deputy Lindbergh Farias (Workers’ Party, PT, Rio de Janeiro), leader of the PT in the lower house, requesting that the STF prevent Brazilian banks from blocking Mr. Moraes’s accounts. The justice was sanctioned in July under the Magnitsky Act.

On August 1, Mr. Zanin referred the matter to the Office of the Prosecutor General (PGR) and is awaiting its opinion. He has signaled that he intends to hear all parties involved, including banks, before issuing any ruling.

Earlier this month, Justices Gilmar Mendes and Moraes also held meetings with bank representatives, with the consensus at the time being that no accounts would be blocked. Should moves in that direction occur, however, the STF could step in to stop the enforcement of the Magnitsky Act in Brazil—as Mr. Dino effectively did on Monday (18). His ruling, though, came in a case unrelated to U.S. sanctions, instead involving lawsuits filed by Brazilian municipalities in the United Kingdom over environmental disasters.

Dino pushes back with irony

Justice Dino on Wednesday (20) mocked the financial market’s reaction to his ruling against the immediate enforcement in Brazil of foreign laws, rulings, and administrative acts. “I issued a decision yesterday [Tuesday] and the day before [Monday]. The one they say crashed the markets. I didn’t know I was so powerful: R$42 billion in financial speculation. Fortunately, age teaches you not to be impressed by small things. Obviously one thing has nothing to do with the other.”

“We should not be swayed by foam. This was a ruling for a specific case. The first technical challenge is understanding. A decision on acts by the U.S. has nothing to do with a drop in the stock market,” he added.

“It was a decision among so many obvious points of the principle of territoriality. Nothing heterodox, just a repetition of concepts that are established worldwide,” Mr. Dino continued. “There are Brazilian companies with extensive operations in the U.S. Imagine if Brazil’s Superior Labor Court issued a ruling saying labor relations there must follow Brazilian law. I don’t think it would be very well received.”

*By Tiago Angelo and Maira Escardovelli — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/