11/12/2025

The surge of steel exports from China continues to challenge the Latin American steel industry, according to experts gathered at the Latin American Steel Association (Alacero) congress in Cartagena, Colombia. Jorge Oliveira, president of Alacero and of ArcelorMittal Brazil, warned on Tuesday (11) that the situation is more concerning than in previous years, with few answers to the growing influx of Chinese steel in the region. “The reality shows that, despite our efforts, Latin America’s steel market is deteriorating due to global overcapacity from Asia,” he said.

Mr. Oliveira noted that Latin American producers have been forced to scale back investments and reduce production. “Chile’s largest steel producer, Huachipato, has shut down operations. Geopolitical tensions are affecting the entire supply chain, as well as commodity and logistics prices. We must find effective responses to face this challenging environment,” he said.

Data confirms the concern. Between January and September 2025, Brazil imported 5.075 million tonnes of steel products from all sources, up 9.7% year over year, according to the Instituto Aço Brasil. Imports from China alone jumped 25.9% over the same period, reaching 3.1 million tonnes. Chinese steel accounted for 61.1% of Brazil’s total steel imports, 7.9 percentage points higher than a year earlier.

Over the same period, Brazilian steel output fell 1.7% to 24.982 million tonnes, down from 25.419 million in 2024. According to Alacero, China produces in 20 days what the entire Latin American steel industry produces in a year. In Brazil’s case, Chinese mills generate the country’s annual output in just 12 days.

“Latin America is losing its development potential. Our trade defense barriers are too weak,” said Ezequiel Tavernelli, Alacero’s executive director. He added, “Latin American economies are becoming more dependent on raw materials than manufactured goods. The region is deindustrializing.”

Mr. Tavernelli warned that China’s influence could become a social problem for Latin America, as a slowdown in the steel sector affects a wide industrial chain: “The steel industry creates jobs, drives logistics, and supplies many other industries. Several sectors are hit at once.”

He argued for greater regional integration and stronger trade-defense policies, including higher import tariffs. Brazil’s quota-tariff system shows that import taxes must be higher, he said.

In May, Brazil’s Foreign Trade Chamber (Gecex/Camex), under the Ministry of Development, Industry, Trade, and Services, renewed the country’s steel import quota system through May 2026. The policy imposes a 25% tariff on Chinese steel exceeding the quota, covering 23 product categories.

“Latin America could win if competition were fair,” Mr. Tavernelli said. “Chinese steel is subsidized, from energy costs to transport. Our region has a strong steel industry with real potential, but we can’t compete on such unequal terms.”

At the same event, Oliver Stuenkel, an international relations professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV), argued that political fragmentation among Latin American governments weakens their collective position. “The lack of unity among Latin American leaders leaves the region more vulnerable. The private sector may have to step in to fill that gap. Acting in isolation, countries are unlikely to find a solution,” he said.

*By Kariny Leal — Cartagena

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

11/12/2025 

To reduce methane emissions, it is necessary to know where they come from. The Methane Alert and Response System (MARS) combines near-real-time data from nearly a dozen satellites to continuously monitor the Earth and detect large methane plumes. “These satellites detect only the largest emissions, a small fraction of the total, but they are a powerful tool for identifying and acting on the largest leaks,” explains Giulia Ferrini, head of the International Methane Emissions Observatory (IMEO) of the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP).

Since the system’s operations started in January 2024, 14,500 methane plumes have been detected, and 4,000 alerts have been issued. MARS processed around 200,000 satellite images in just the first eight months of 2025. “By combining AI with deep scientific knowledge, IMEO has increased its ability to monitor the globe for methane emissions tenfold. These efforts are expanding to better monitor methane from the coal and waste sectors,” Ms. Ferrini emphasizes.

While satellites provide a global view, detecting large leaks and critical points from space, aircraft locate specific regions, and drones equipped with sensors fly over facilities to identify the exact source of emissions. Ms. Ferrini says that oil and gas companies use portable sensors, such as optical gas imaging cameras, to detect leaks in specific equipment and correct them.

In Brazil, a system combining the Internet of Things (IoT) and photonic sensing to identify fleeting methane emissions, created by the company Alfa Sense and Brazil’s Center for Research and Development in Telecommunications Foundation (CPQD), received an award from Petrobras and generated a patent application at the Brazilian Institute of Industrial Property (INPI).

“We developed a purely optical, passive sensor that interacts with methane molecules at the leak site. When you have light at the same wavelength, at the same frequency, the methane molecule absorbs that light. We monitor the amount of light absorbed and can detect if methane is present,” explains Marcos Sanches, innovation coordinator at Alfa Sense.

However, the prototype did not become a product. Now, Alfa Sense is engaged in another project. It was selected through NAVE, an entrepreneurship program launched by Brazil’s National Petroleum Agency, to meet Challenge 56, related to advanced technologies for monitoring and controlling greenhouse gas emissions.

Drone uses sensors and artificial intelligence systems to measure concentration of greenhouse gases — Foto: Divulgação
Drone uses sensors and artificial intelligence systems to measure concentration of greenhouse gases — Photo: Divulgação

The São Carlos campus of the University of São Paulo (USP) is developing a drone project that uses sensors and artificial intelligence systems to measure the concentration of greenhouse gases, in order to monitor environmental conditions in forested areas and identify fire outbreaks.

“With drones, we can obtain a profile of gas concentration to detect if there are bubbles, if the gases are concentrating more in the soil, or if they are dissipating into the atmosphere,” explains Antonio Carlos Daud Filho, a postdoctoral researcher at the University of São Paulo. According to him, one of the challenges lies in the fact that low-cost sensors—which are lighter, smaller, and easier to mount on smaller drones—do not have as much precision as more expensive ones.

At Embrapa, the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation, the main focus, with regard to methane, is to reduce the time cattle spend in the pasture and improve pasture quality and management. “Cattle produce 500 liters of methane per head per day, so extensive agriculture, the kind that leaves cattle in the pasture, typical of Brazil, plays a big role in this,” says Luiz Eduardo Vicente, a researcher on remote sensing and natural resources at Embrapa.

Mr. Vicente points out that the agricultural sector accounts for 76% of Brazil’s methane emissions, of which 5.7% are associated with animal waste management. To address this challenge, the Ministry of Agriculture, Embrapa, and the NGO Instituto 17 launched a tool in August that calculates methane (CH4) and nitrous oxide (N2O) emissions from waste management in livestock farming. ABC+Calc generates systematized data to help achieve the goals of the Adaptation and Low Carbon Emission Plan for Agriculture (ABC+ Plan).

Many Brazilian initiatives, however, make indirect measurements. Created by the Climate Observatory, the Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Removals Estimation System (SEEG) uses methods and guidelines established by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) to analyze public and open data to monitor greenhouse gas emissions in all sectors of the economy.

Linked to the SEEG, Ingrid Graces, a researcher at the Institute of Energy and Environment (IEMA), and Iris Coluna, an advisor at ICLEI, a global network focused on sustainable urban development, acknowledge that it is necessary to have more precise emission figures for the various types of activities and regions, with the combination of satellites, drones, and remote sensors. “It’s all still very embryonic, so much so that it’s very difficult to have historical series,” Ms. Graces emphasizes.

Jean Ometto, senior researcher at Brazil’s National Institute for Space Research (INPE), adds that methane has been monitored especially using industrial sources, satellites, and cameras that measure wavelengths. There is also equipment placed on meteorological towers to measure gas flows and equipment that detects methane in the air. “With the evolution of nanosatellites, which fly at lower altitudes, potentially, you can conduct experiments more frequently,” predicts Mr. Ometto.

*By Roberta Prescott — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

11/12/2025 

President Lula’s approval rating has stalled, according to a Genial/Quaest poll released on Wednesday (12). The share of respondents who disapprove of his government rose to 50%, up from 49% in October, while approval slipped to 47% from 48%.

The slight declines, within the survey’s margin of error, come as the Lula administration faces growing pressure to engage in the public security debate following a major police operation in Rio de Janeiro last month that left 121 people dead.

Disapproval increased across three of Brazil’s regions: to 38% from 36% in the Northeast region, to 53% from 52% in the Southeast, and to 61% from 56% in the South. On the other hand, the disapproval rating fell in the North/Central-West region, to 51% from 55%.

The Lula administration’s approval ratings also shifted within the margin of error. The share of those who rate the government as “poor” rose to 38% from 37%, while positive evaluations dropped to 31% from 33%. The share describing the administration as “average” went to 28% from 27%.

The survey interviewed 2,004 people between November 6 and 9 and has a two-point margin of error, up or down.

The November results interrupted a recovery trend for Mr. Lula that Quaest had been recording since midyear. July marked the start of a more active federal response to U.S. threats of higher tariffs on Brazilian goods and possible sanctions against Brazilian officials involved in the legal case against former President Jair Bolsonaro over his role in an attempted coup.

According to the pollster, the loss of momentum reflects the fallout from the large-scale police action in Rio. The aftermath of Operation Contenção reignited debate over how to tackle organized crime and highlighted differences between the Lula administration and opposition groups.

Although Mr. Lula described the operation as “disastrous,” 67% of respondents approved of the police action, while 25% disapproved. When asked whether the police used excessive force, 67% said no, compared with 29% who believed they did.

Concern about violence rose notably between October and November, with 38% of respondents naming it as Brazil’s most pressing issue, compared with 30% in the previous poll.

Lula and Trump

President Lula’s meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump on October 26 to discuss the tariff dispute was known to 65% of respondents.

Among those surveyed, 45% said the encounter strengthened Mr. Lula politically, 30% said it weakened him, and 10% saw no change. A majority (51%) believe both leaders will reach an agreement to reduce tariffs, while 39% think they will not.

Economy and prices

Perceptions of the economy, which had been a key driver of negative evaluations of the government, remained mostly stable in November, showing mild signs of improvement for Mr. Lula.

According to the latest poll, 43% of respondents still believe the economy has worsened over the past 12 months, nearly unchanged from 42% in October. However, the share who see improvement rose from 21% to 24%, while those who believe it has stayed the same fell to 32% from 35%.

When asked about food prices, 58% said they had risen in the month prior to the survey, down from 63% in October. Another 23% said prices remained stable (up from 21%), and 27% said they had fallen (up from 15%).

Regarding purchasing power, 72% said Brazilians’ buying power is lower than a year ago (slightly down from 73%), while 16% said it has improved (up from 15%), and 11% said it remains unchanged.

*By Joelmir Tavares and Lilian Venturini — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

 

 

 

11/11/2025

The debate over the bill that establishes Brazil’s Legal Framework on Organized Crime, scheduled for Tuesday (11) in the Chamber of Deputies, has already sparked a fierce political dispute even before reaching the floor. Members of the government are pushing to restore the original text of the Anti-Gang Law, while the Federal Police (PF) has sharply criticized the report prepared by Federal Deputy Guilherme Derrite (Progressives Party, PP, São Paulo).

Government officials argue that appointing Mr. Derrite—currently on leave from his post as São Paulo’s Secretary of Public Security—to draft the report undermines technical debate and politicizes the discussion.

The choice has heightened political tensions ahead of the 2026 elections, since Mr. Derrite belongs to the circle of São Paulo Governor Tarcísio de Freitas (Republicans), widely seen as President Lula’s (Workers’ Party, PT) main potential challenger. Government allies have escalated their criticism of both the bill and Chamber Speaker Hugo Motta (Republicans of Paraíba), who appointed Mr. Derrite as rapporteur.

Minister of Institutional RelationsGleisi Hoffmann hinted that the Lula administration is preparing for a political showdown. She said Mr. Derrite’s proposals would serve as a “free pass” for criminal factions and hinder the Federal Police’s work. One of the most controversial provisions would allow the Federal Police to act only “upon request from the state governor.”

According to the minister, if Mr. Derrite insists on maintaining his version, the government will refuse to negotiate and take the dispute to a floor vote, even at the risk of losing. The governing bloc plans to submit an amendment restoring the original text.

Mr. Motta and Ms. Hoffmann were scheduled to meet on Monday evening (10), and the minister said she would express her “concern” over the report. She argued that the Chamber must “undo” the current course before scheduling the vote.

“We need to reverse this. Paralyzing the Federal Police is bad for the country. It will harm Brazil and restrict the Federal Police,” she said, adding that she had asked for a nonpartisan debate. “He [Motta] chose someone [Derrite] with a very specific ideological stance on the issue,” Ms. Hoffmann told GloboNews.

In a statement, the Federal Police said it views the changes with “deep concern.” “Under the report presented, the Federal Police’s historic institutional role in combating crime—particularly against powerful criminals and large-scale organizations—could face significant restrictions. Federal Police operations would depend on requests from state governments, creating a real risk of weakening the fight against organized crime.”

The Federal Police also warned that limiting its powers would compromise investigations into corruption, drug trafficking, embezzlement of public funds, and human trafficking, calling the proposed changes “a serious setback.”

“The original proposal submitted by the Brazilian government aims to strengthen law enforcement against organized crime. However, the version now under discussion in Congress undermines this goal by introducing structural changes that weaken the public interest,” the statement said.

Federal Police members interviewed by Valor also criticized the bill, saying it conflates organized crime and terrorism in several sections—another key point of contention between the government and opposition. One official called the report “terrible” and “legally flawed.”

In a separate statement, the Federal Revenue Service also voiced concerns, arguing that making Federal Police action dependent on “a request from the state governor opens the door to unacceptable interference, weakens federal authority, all in addition to being unconstitutional.”

“The Federal Revenue relies on the independent operation of the Federal Police to continue joint efforts to dismantle the financial structures of criminal organizations,” the agency added.

Mr. Motta said on social media that he helped mediate talks between Mr. Derrite and Federal Police Director-General Andrei Rodrigues to ensure the Federal Police retains its investigative powers against organized crime.

People close to the Chamber speaker defended his prerogative to select the rapporteur, dismissing the backlash as “overblown.” They said Mr. Motta had informed the government of his choice in advance and believes the report is being drafted in a “technical and nonpartisan” manner. According to his aides, Mr. Motta views the bill as “tough but necessary,” not a “witch hunt.”

He believes the proposal could unite the Chamber around a broad consensus, similar to the recent approval of the Digital Child and Adolescent Statute. “No one will want to vote against this,” he said, adding that the issue affects most Brazilian states and carries strong popular appeal.

President Lula reportedly called Mr. Motta to discuss the bill, but according to aides, the Chamber leader remains “calm” about Mr. Derrite’s appointment and expects the final version to reflect a “broad, technical study.” The text will be discussed at a leaders’ meeting on Tuesday.

On Monday, Mr. Motta also met with Attorney General Paulo Gonet Branco and Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes to discuss the fight against organized crime, during which the bill was addressed. A separate meeting between Mr. Motta and state governors is scheduled for later this week.

Earlier on GloboNews, Mr. Derrite said his report consolidates proposals from several lawmakers. Responding to criticism from National Secretary of Public Security Mário Sarrubbo that the draft removes key provisions such as “following the money and seizing criminal assets,” Mr. Derrite said those items could be reinstated. “There’s a lot of political ideology involved. The report can be changed before the vote. We can incorporate all suggestions, including that one—which we already apply in São Paulo. And we will preserve the independence of state police forces,” he said.

Mr. Sarrubbo told Valor that Mr. Derrite’s report is “unconstitutional” and effectively equates criminal factions with terrorist groups. On social media, Mr. Derrite said he has been consulting with lawmakers, judges, prosecutors, lawyers, and law enforcement professionals “who understand the real challenges on the ground” to shape the text. “This is a cross-party issue, and I’m willing to listen to all sides,” he said.

He added that he had accepted proposals to expand financial sanctions against criminal organizations, create a national registry of gang members, and explicitly bar convicted members from holding public office.

The ruling Workers’ Party (PT) plans to launch a social media campaign linking the debate on the anti-gang framework to the recent controversy over the “shielding amendment,” which weakened corruption probes against lawmakers before being overturned by the Senate. PT strategists hope to use public outrage over that vote to regain momentum in the current debate.

PT national president Edinho Silva called Mr. Derrite’s appointment “disrespectful” to lawmakers and said it politicized the issue. “Brazil won’t confront such a serious challenge by turning this into a campaign platform,” he said.

The PT’s Chamber leader, Lindbergh Farias (Rio de Janeiro), said he was “deeply bothered” by the “terrible” choice of rapporteur, comparing it to “stealing” the authorship of the proposal. He added that the same lawmakers who backed the shielding amendment are now pushing for severe changes to the anti-gang bill.

*By Renan Truffi, Gabriela Guido, Maira Escardovelli, Tiago Angelo, Cristiane Agostine, Joelmir Tavares, Beatriz Roscoe, Murillo Camarotto and Giullia Colombo — Brasília and São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

11/11/2025

MBRF, the company created from the merger between Marfrig and BRF, reported a net profit of R$94 million in the third quarter of 2025, a 62% decline compared with the R$248 million earned in the same period of 2024. This is the first earnings report released since the merger was announced in May.

The company’s net revenue reached R$41.8 billion, up 9.2% year over year, driven by a 3.7% increase in total sales volume to 2.1 million tonnes, a record for the group.

Adjusted EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation, and amortization) came in at R$3.5 billion, down 8.6% from a year earlier, while the adjusted EBITDA margin fell to 8.4%, from 10% in the third quarter of 2024. Gross profit totaled R$5.1 billion, a 3% decrease, with a gross margin of 12.3%, compared to 13.9% a year earlier.

According to the company, the figures were compared to Marfrig’s consolidated results, which have included BRF’s data since 2022, when Marfrig became the controlling shareholder. Previously, Marfrig recorded net income attributable to the controlling interest based on its ownership stake in BRF. Following the merger on September 22, Marfrig began to consolidate 100% of BRF’s net profit.

Since the merger occurred near the end of the third quarter, that effect was only partially reflected in the results. If the combination had been in effect for the entire quarter, MBRF’s net income between July and September would have been close to R$200 million, according to sources familiar with the matter.

The report also showed that financial leverage, measured by the ratio of net debt to adjusted EBITDA, stood at 3.09x, essentially flat compared with 3.07x in the same period of 2024.

The consolidated results reflect the performance of the company’s three main business segments. BRF accounted for 39% of total revenue, with a 5.4% increase in net sales but a 14.9% drop in EBITDA. The South American division represented 14% of revenue, with a 31.8% increase in EBITDA, while the North American division accounted for 47% of revenue, up 12.2% year on year.

According to José Ignácio, MBRF’s vice president of finance and investor relations, the lower profit reflects a temporary fluctuation. “The main driver of the decline in net income was BRF’s operational performance, which, although still at very strong and healthy levels, saw a slight year-over-year contraction,” he said in an interview.

Among the factors weighing on BRF’s performance, Mr. Ignácio cited the closure of key export markets for Brazilian poultry, including China, following confirmation of an avian influenza case at a commercial farm in Montenegro, Rio Grande do Sul, in May. With China’s market reopening last Friday, MBRF expects an improvement in BRF’s results in the coming months.

MBRF CEO Miguel Gularte said the quarter was marked by strong commercial performance, with record sales volume and revenue, up 3.7% and 9.2%, respectively. “The quarterly results reinforce MBRF’s potential,” he added.

In Brazil, growth was driven by processed products, with sales volume up 7%. In South America, sales grew nearly 18% year over year, while in the United States, performance remained solid despite a challenging environment. “We maintained strong results in North America, with efficient management of the cattle cycle and stable margins, even amid tighter cattle supply,” said Mr. Ignácio.

The company also reported that of the R$1 billion in synergies identified at the start of the merger process, 60% should be captured within the first year of operations. Of that total, R$231 million are expected from corporate structure optimization, R$470 million from supply chain efficiencies, R$230 million from commercial and logistics improvements, and R$73 million from other initiatives.

*By Cleyton Vilarino, Globo Rural — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

11/11/2025 

Brazil’s Central Bank introduced on Monday a new set of rules governing risk management in payment arrangements, making it clearer who is financially responsible when a link in the transaction chain fails.

Under the new framework, card networks—which act as the arrangement operators—assume greater responsibilities, though with some flexibility in determining the guarantees they require from other participants. The measures come a year after the Central Bank held a public consultation on the topic, prompted by issues involving the card administrator Credz and travel operator 123 Milhas.

A proposal to create an industry-wide guarantee fund, criticized by market players, was dropped from the final rule. A payment arrangement is a set of rules that enables a specific type of transaction. In the case of cards, the networks (such as Visa and Mastercard) define how participants interact, such as acquirers (the “POS machine” companies) and issuers (typically banks).

The resolution takes effect upon publication, but networks will have 180 days to request authorization for any regulatory adjustments needed to comply. Existing rules remain valid until the Central Bank approves the changes.

According to the Central Bank, the rule makes it explicit that the card network is responsible for ensuring payment of all transactions to the receiving user—without exception. This includes the obligation to use the network’s own funds if existing protection mechanisms prove insufficient.

“The network will be solely responsible for monitoring and managing the risks of arrangement participants. If protection mechanisms are insufficient, it must use its own resources to guarantee payment to merchants,” the Central Bank stated.

The debate over risk management in card arrangements intensified in 2023, after Credz ran into trouble and was ultimately acquired by DM, in a deal involving several market participants—including Visa—to avoid systemic fallout. Concerns also rose around Will Bank, controlled by the same group as Banco Master, prompting Mastercard to engage in talks to find a buyer for the fintech.

An executive from the card industry told Valor that while networks now face higher liability, the clarity is positive. “It’s now very clear that the networks are financially responsible for their arrangements, which should make the market safer,” he said.

A financial lawyer noted that by becoming “guarantors of last resort,” the networks now face credit risk exposure, a shift that could transform the industry.

The Brazilian Association of Credit Card and Service Companies (Abecs), which led private-sector discussions, said only that it is “analyzing the resolution together with its members.” Meanwhile, the Brazilian Association of Payment Institutions (Abipag) welcomed the rule, highlighting progress such as: “The guarantee that merchants will receive payment for all authorized card transactions; improved visibility into settlement processes; and greater transparency in fee collection.”

In earlier drafts, released in October 2023, the BC had suggested a shared guarantee fund financed by market participants. Abecs opposed that model, arguing instead for individualized risk management, where each participant’s exposure corresponds to its own risk profile, with resources held in escrow accounts. The Central Bank accepted this approach, mandating the creation of segregated accounts for settlement funds within each arrangement. However, each network will also be required to maintain its own guarantee reserve for extreme situations.

To balance risks within arrangements, the Central Bank limited the financial liability of other participants in chargeback cases to 180 days. After that period, if permitted under the arrangement’s rules, the card network assumes responsibility.

The resolution also prohibits networks from allowing participants to demand guarantees from one another and forbids acquirers or sub-acquirers from discriminating against specific issuers. In practice, this means risk management will now be fully centralized within the card network, which can no longer delegate oversight of sub-acquirers to acquirers.

“The new rule prevents networks from transferring sub-acquirer risk management to acquirers,” the Central Bank emphasized. According to Vicente Piccoli, partner at FAS Advogados, the rule represents a win for acquirers, freeing them from the duty of monitoring sub-acquirers. “The general trend is to strengthen the responsibilities of the arrangement operator, who has full visibility of the system and is best positioned to manage overall risk,” he said.

Larissa Arruy, partner at Mattos Filho, noted that the Central Bank gave networks a degree of discretion. “My main concern now is the potential market impact. The Central Bank is clearly trying to enhance security in the financial and payment ecosystem—these are positive steps, but the costs remain uncertain.”

For Kenneth Ferreira, a partner with the banking, transactions, and financial services practice of law firm Lefosse, the resolution is “very welcome,” as it harmonizes risk management practices, clarifies responsibilities, increases transparency, and protects financial flows to end users.

“It introduces new concepts, requiring continuous monitoring, stress testing, backtesting, and periodic policy reviews. A key change is that all sub-acquirers must join centralized settlement within 180 days, ensuring traceability of funds. Previously, smaller players were exempt, creating distortions,” he explained.

Visa said it is “evaluating the issue.” Mastercard did not comment. Elo stated that it complies with all Central Bank regulations and is prepared to follow the new directives, adding: “The company already provides a system of guarantees to the market and is ready to align with the new security and transparency standards.”

*By Gabriel Shinohara, Álvaro Campos and Lais Godinho — Brasília and São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

11/10/2025

The share of loans classified as “higher risk” for micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) has been rising since the beginning of the year. Data from Brazil’s Central Bank shows the rate climbed from 8.2% in January to 8.9% in September.

Part of the increase reflects the impact of new accounting rules under Resolution 4,966. Still, banks acknowledge that SME delinquency is growing and requires attention, though it has not yet reached alarming levels. The expected cut in the benchmark Selic rate early next year also offers some relief.

The higher-risk assets indicator includes financial instruments and credit operations classified as “stage 3” under Resolution 4,966, which covers loans with serious recovery issues. The resolution took effect at the beginning of this year. Meanwhile, SME delinquency rose from 4.5% in January to 5.4% in September, after peaking at 5.5% in August, the highest since May 2018.

The Central Bank’s most recent Monetary Policy Report estimated that about 70% of the increase in overall delinquency in the first half of the year is linked to the effects of Resolution 4,966.

Ricardo Jacomassi, partner and chief economist at TCP Partners, noted that the credit market has grown rapidly despite high interest rates. The Selic stands at 15%, and the Central Bank’s Monetary Policy Committee (COPOM) has signaled that it will remain high “for quite a prolonged period,” as stated in the latest minutes.

Financial tools

Mr. Jacomassi said part of the difference in behavior between SMEs and large companies lies in the financing tools available. Large companies have access to structured operations, bond issuance, and more collateral. “Small and mid-sized firms don’t have the same options and are heavily reliant on working capital loans and receivables-backed credit,” he said.

In the third-quarter earnings call, Santander’s CFO Gustavo Alejo said short-term delinquency has improved, especially among individual borrowers. “All ‘vintages’ are performing well, but we see some concern in the small business segment,” he noted.

At Itaú Unibanco, SME delinquency rose 0.1 percentage point from the second to the third quarter, “due to normalization following the end of grace periods under government programs.” At Bradesco, the rate declined, and CEO Marcelo Noronha said he sees room for further drops, even though the bank’s overall delinquency rate is expected to remain relatively stable in the coming quarters.

A Central Bank study in its latest Financial Stability Report found that during interest rate hikes, smaller companies are the first to be affected, hurting their repayment capacity. “They’re hit faster because their debt rollovers are shorter, which directly increases their interest expenses,” the report said.

Ricardo Moura, head of investor relations, M&A, and strategy at Banco ABC Brasil, agreed. He noted that smaller firms did not benefit as much from capital markets expansion in recent years and are now forced to borrow at higher rates from banks during this tightening cycle. “They don’t have longer-term liabilities and end up suffering more.”

At ABC Brasil, a conservative credit approach led to a drop in mid-sized company delinquency between June and September. Still, Mr. Moura said he does not expect further declines ahead.

In a statement, Décio Lima, president of Brazil’s small business agency Sebrae, said the rise in SME delinquency is “moderate and compatible” with the current economic cycle. “This is not a sign of uncontrolled deterioration, but a natural adjustment in a more selective credit environment with higher financial costs,” he said.

He added that expectations for the coming months are for stability or gradual improvement, driven by a more predictable economy and stronger support and debt renegotiation measures. “There are challenges, but also tools and ways to address them responsibly.”

New accounting standard

Resolution 4,966 adopts an expected-loss model, replacing the previous incurred-loss approach. Under the new rule,financial institutions must use economic analysis to estimate potential defaults. It also delays the write-off of problematic assets, which raises the numerator over time and ends up increasing measured delinquency.

“Banks must provision based on the probability of future defaults, using macroeconomic and sectoral forecasts,” explained Gisele Assis, a partner specializing in payments and regulation at the law firm /asbz.

The Brazilian Association of Banks (ABBC) said economic conditions are contributing to the rise in SME defaults. However, much of the increase in high-risk loan balances is due to the new accounting standard.

“The changes in how financial institutions recognize expected losses and write-offs have affected how credit operations are allocated to stage 3. This will take time to adjust as lenders recalibrate their internal recovery metrics,” the ABBC said in a note.

The Brazilian Federation of Banks (FEBRABAN) also said the uptick in SME delinquency is partially due to the new rule but also reflects real increases driven by high interest rates. It cited government-backed programs like Pronampe, which offers credit to small businesses at Selic-linked rates. “With the likely scenario of no further Selic hikes, we could see improvement starting early next year,” the federation said.

FEBRABAN added that large companies continue to benefit from ample liquidity in capital markets. “Still, there are some isolated signs of risk, such as bankruptcy filings, which deserve attention.”

7.6 million SMEs behind on payments

The challenges facing SMEs are also reflected in other indicators. Data from credit bureau Serasa Experian showed that by July, 7.6 million small and medium-sized companies in Brazil were behind on at least one financial obligation—ranging from bank loans to utility bills or supplier payments—totaling 54 million overdue debts.

Camila Abdelmalack, chief economist at Serasa Experian, said the slowdown in credit availability has made it harder for SMEs to refinance or roll over debt. “We came from a period of greater credit availability and easier renegotiation. With tighter credit, these difficulties are now showing up in rising delinquency,” she said.

*By Gabriel Shinohara and Álvaro Campos — Brasília and São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

 

 

11/10/2025 

The first United Nations climate conference ever held in the Amazon begins Monday (10) in Belém, Pará, under a challenging geopolitical backdrop that threatens to stall COP30 in its opening hours.

Global trade, lack of public funding for climate cooperation, and limited ambition to cut greenhouse gas emissions loom over the conference, dubbed variously as the Forest COP by Amazonians, the COP of Truth by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the COP of Implementation by diplomats, the COP of Action by business leaders, and the COP closest to environmental tipping points by scientists.

Trade, financing, and ambition are the three contentious issues that could surface right after the official opening and bring negotiations to a halt. “At other COPs, we pulled off acrobatics. At this one, we’ll need magic,” one negotiator said.

“We never know how COPs end, but with COP30, we don’t even know how it will begin,” said Marcio Astrini, executive secretary of Climate Observatory, Brazil’s largest civil society network focused on climate, comprising 160 environmental organizations, research institutes, and social movements.

The two-week summit risks being stalled from the outset because none of the three flashpoint issues is on the agenda agreed by nearly 200 delegations at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, in 2024. Yet, the coalitions pressing for their inclusion are central to climate negotiations.

Divisive issues

China and India are leading the bloc of developing countries that want to debate “unilateral measures” in Belém. Trade and environmental policy are increasingly overlapping on the global stage—the stalled EU-Mercosur trade deal being one example.

Developing nations view recent European actions as unilateral and incompatible with the United Nations’ climate framework, which operates on consensus. One such example is the European Union Deforestation Regulation (EUDR), which bans the import of products like beef, soy, and timber linked to deforestation after December 2020.

The most divisive issue is the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), the EU’s plan to tax imports of carbon-intensive products, such as cement, steel, aluminum, and fertilizers, produced in countries with looser emission regulations. The EU argues this levels the playing field for its own regulated industries, but emerging economies see it as protectionism.

Although unilateral measures are not on the official agenda, developing countries are pushing for their inclusion. With the absence of the United States and Donald Trump’s tariff policy, the EU stands alone in rejecting the debate in Belém. The bloc insists trade should be discussed at the World Trade Organization (WTO), not climate forums. Opponents argue that carbon emissions fall squarely within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and thus belong at COPs.

A similar standoff derailed a preparatory meeting for COP30 in June in Bonn, Germany, and could resurface in Belém right after the opening session.

Climate finance tensions resurface

Even more politically sensitive is climate finance. Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement, now ten years old, requires developed countries to provide public funds to help developing nations adapt to and mitigate the climate crisis.

But reopening this issue could reignite debate over the new collective climate finance goal set at COP29. In Baku, countries agreed that developed nations should mobilize at least $300 billion per year by 2035. However, it remains unclear whether this will be public funding or loans, potentially deepening debt in poorer countries.

The broader goal is to reach $1.3 trillion annually by 2035 from all sources. While developed nations are expected to lead, others may also contribute.

In COP29’s final plenary, India strongly objected to the absence of a requirement that rich nations provide public funding, as stipulated in the Paris Agreement. This unresolved issue could further delay the start of COP30.

More ambitious targets

Another late-breaking issue comes from small island developing states in Central America and the Pacific, devastated by increasingly frequent hurricanes and floods. These nations, which bear little historical responsibility for emissions, want COP30 to address the lack of ambition in national climate plans, known as NDCs (Nationally Determined Contributions).

They argue that the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5°C, enshrined in the Paris Agreement, is likely to be missed, putting their survival at risk. Although critical, this issue is also not on the official agenda.

“Every COP starts with trouble,” said a negotiator. “The three major hurdles at COP30 are connected. Solving trade and financing may unlock ambition.”

The latest UN synthesis report on climate pledges submitted through September 30 shows emissions declining, but far too slowly. Only 64 NDCs—representing one-third of global emissions—were analyzed, a small sample given that 196 countries and the European Union are signatories of the Paris Agreement. The United States, historically the largest emitter and currently the second-largest, is exiting the process.

A separate report from the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) offers even grimmer news: current national plans through 2035 put the world on track for a “climate breakdown.”

If existing policies remain in place, global warming could reach 2.8°C above pre-industrial levels; the best-case scenario is 2.3°C. “We must face the hard truth,” said UNEP Executive Director Inger Andersen at the report’s release two days ago.

Rising adaptation costs

Adapting to extreme weather in developing countries could cost more than $310 billion annually by 2035. One previous COP pledge from wealthy nations was to double adaptation funding from $20 billion to $40 billion by the end of 2025. Not only is this far below what’s needed, it’s also not being fulfilled.

“Too many companies are making record profits from climate destruction, spending billions on lobbying, misleading the public, and blocking progress. Too many leaders remain beholden to these interests. Too many countries lack resources to adapt or are left out of the clean energy transition. And too many people are losing hope that their leaders will act,” said UN Secretary-General António Guterres at the COP30 Leaders Summit in Belém.

Mr. Guterres also offered reasons for optimism. Scientists say there’s still time to avoid the worst. In 2025, clean energy surpassed coal as the world’s leading electricity source. In 2024, global investment in clean energy reached $2 trillion, $800 billion more than in fossil fuels.

Tropical forest fund

Even before its official start, COP30 has produced two notable outcomes. First is the launch of the Tropical Forests Forever Fund (TFFF), a Brazilian-led initiative to protect forests across more than 70 countries. On the first day of the Leaders Summit, it secured $5.5 billion in funding and support from over 50 countries. “It may be considered a historic day,” said Carlos Rittl, global director of public policy for forests and climate change at the Wildlife Conservation Society.

The second is the Roadmap from Baku to Belém, co-authored by COP30 President André Corrêa do Lago and COP29 President Mukhtar Babayev. The report outlines how to mobilize the $1.3 trillion needed annually for the green transition and climate adaptation in developing countries. “It can be done. The money exists,” Mr. Corrêa do Lago said.

More progress could follow. In the coming days, a coalition may form to reduce methane emissions, among the most potent greenhouse gases. Another expected outcome is an alliance to align carbon markets and propose principles to harmonize the world’s emerging green taxonomies.

While economic disputes have brought climate talks to the brink, they may also pave the way for solutions. COP30 is also the first to elevate ethics as a central theme in climate negotiations, a pioneering initiative championed by Brazil’s Environment and Climate Change Minister Marina Silva.

*By Daniela Chiaretti — Belém

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

11/06/2025 

Ternium’s purchase of the remaining stakes held by Nippon Steel and Mitsubishi in Usiminas consolidates a long-anticipated power shift in Brazil’s steel industry. The deal stems from three converging factors: Nippon’s global strategy to redirect capital toward higher-growth markets such as the United States, India, and Southeast Asia; the adverse dynamics of Brazil’s steel sector, pressured by rising imports, especially from China; and the breakdown of a partnership long marred by conflict and gridlock.

The transaction, valued at $315.2 million, covers 153.1 million common shares and raises Ternium’s stake in Usiminas’ controlling group from 51.5% to 83.1%. Usiminas shares closed Thursday (5) at R$5.55, up 0.73%. The move did not catch the market off guard, as Ternium had already increased its stake in the controlling group in 2023.

The 2018 peace agreement between Ternium and Nippon allowed five years of relative coexistence, but Nippon had been seeking opportunities elsewhere, a strategy underscored by its recent acquisition of U.S. Steel. Analysts had noted that Brazil had become a lower priority, and Nippon’s exit reduces its exposure to a challenging market.

In Brazil, steel imports have risen despite quota and tariff measures. According to Instituto Aço Brasil, an industry think tank, 5.1 million tonnes of steel entered the country between January and September 2025. The impact has been felt through falling prices, squeezed margins, and operational cutbacks, such as the shutdown of blast furnaces. Usiminas announced that it would reduce its 2025 investments to a range between R$1.2 billion and R$1.4 billion, down from a previous projection of R$1.4 billion to R$1.6 billion.

Internally, Usiminas faces the challenge of resuming investments to maintain industrial competitiveness. Its focus is on refurbishing coke batteries, a critical project for ensuring self-sufficiency in steelmaking inputs and cutting energy costs. At the same time, its mining arm requires strategic decisions, as current reserves are expected to supply its steel operations only until 2031.

“The sale of Usiminas shares aims to mitigate the risk of further devaluation, as no significant recovery in Brazil is expected in the near term,” said Nippon Steel Vice President Takahiro Mori during a conference call.

The announcement brings an end to the long-running conflict between the Italian-Argentine group and the Japanese shareholders. The new structure unifies decision-making, shortens approval times, and facilitates industrial planning, investment, and capacity optimization.

Relations between Nippon and Ternium had long been tense. “There was a cultural clash in management styles. The financial strain at Usiminas, struggling plants, and differing responses to the crisis likely accelerated the end of this partnership,” said a source familiar with the matter.

Ternium declined to comment, while Usiminas stated it does not discuss matters related to its shareholders. With consolidated control, Ternium is expected to accelerate synergies, boost cost efficiency, and focus on higher value-added products—moves that also protect the asset from potential acquisition by competitors.

Market reactions have been largely positive, though not without caution. Citi analysts described the deal as neutral to positive for Usiminas, noting that Ternium already held control and no major management changes are expected. However, the transaction simplifies governance and may allow faster strategic execution under a single controlling shareholder.

“The main risk for minority shareholders is the possibility of delisting without tag-along rights,” wrote analysts Gabriel Barra, Pedro Ferreira De Mello, and Stefan Weskott.

According to Artur Bontempo Filho, a steel and iron ore analyst at Wood Mackenzie, Ternium’s consolidation is likely to streamline governance, a process already underway since 2023 with key leadership changes. One example was the appointment of Marcelo Chara as CEO, aligning Usiminas more closely with the management model and strategic direction of the Italo-Argentine group.

“The extension of the contract with Porto Sudeste represents an important step for Mineração Usiminas SA (MUSA)’s logistics strategy, securing seven additional years of operations with options to expand volume and duration if ore production increases. The company also expects to supply its steel plant with existing reserves at least until 2031, with some flexibility for extension,” Mr. Bontempo said.

Ownership shifts have been a recurring theme for Usiminas. Eleven years after Brazil’s antitrust regulator, Cade, ordered Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional (CSN) to sell its stake in Usiminas, businessman Benjamin Steinbruch finally bowed to regulatory pressure, selling 4.99% of his shares to Globe, a company controlled by the Batista brothers (owners of J&F), for R$263.3 million. Even so, a court ruled that antitrust watchdog CADE must set a fine for the delay in complying with the order. CSN did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

*By Robson Rodrigues — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com

 

 

 

11/07/2025 

A growing number of companies are looking for ways to distribute dividends tax-free before a new levy on profits takes effect. On Wednesday (6), Brazil’s Senate approved a bill that increases the income tax exemption threshold to R$5,000 per month and, in exchange, introduces a 10% tax on dividends starting in 2026.

Publicly-traded and private companies have begun consulting tax experts to explore alternatives. Some are even considering issuing debt to cover the payment of untaxed profit reserves. Others are weighing the use of available cash to pay part of their dividends in 2025 while capitalizing the remaining amount into profit reserves.

This rush to fall under the current tax regime is rippling through markets. Brazil’s stock exchange has seen a wave of inflows from investors seeking to benefit from untaxed earnings still accrued in 2025. In the foreign exchange market, an increase in dividend remittances from Brazilian subsidiaries to parent companies abroad is expected by year-end.

Some companies have already announced billion-real dividend payments. This week, Axia (formerly Eletrobras) disclosed an extraordinary dividend distribution of R$4.3 billion, drawing from its statutory reserve, with payment scheduled for this year. More companies are expected to make similar announcements in the coming weeks to secure tax-free status for their distributions.

The strategy is tied to Bill 1,087/2025, which fulfills President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s campaign promise to expand the income tax exemption. To offset the revenue loss, the bill introduces a 10% withholding tax on dividends. However, it exempts profits already incorporated into shareholders’ equity, a provision companies are relying on.

Dividend approval

To qualify for the exemption, companies must approve the dividend distribution by the end of 2025, with the actual payment allowed to take place over the course of 2026, 2027, and 2028. There is an ongoing effort to extend the deadline for approval to April 30, 2026, under discussions tied to a separate bill on betting taxation.

Despite the three-year window to complete the payments, there is a legal contradiction when it comes to publicly traded corporations governed by the Corporations Law. Under that law, if a company announces a dividend, it must pay it within the same fiscal year. This means companies announcing dividends in 2025 would need to disburse them before December 31.

To avoid legal risks, more conservative firms are looking for ways to distribute accumulated profits before the year ends. Some have advocated for changes to the bill to grant full exemption for all retained earnings, which would resolve the issue.

Strategies under consideration include issuing debt securities such as debentures or using available cash to pay dividends now, then raising debt from controlling shareholders to restore the cash position.

Some companies that would typically carry out extraordinary debenture amortizations have decided to conserve cash to fund dividend payments this year. Another option is to capitalize profit reserves now and reduce capital later.

High leverage

Bank executives told Valor that the issue is causing concern, as some companies seeking financing to pay dividends are already highly leveraged.

Other companies are expected to announce dividend payments this year, in line with the bill, but postpone actual disbursement to the following three years. Some legal interpretations argue that the bill allows this, even for public companies.

Retained earnings amount to billions of reais and may have accumulated over the past 30 years, since the enactment of Law 9,249 in 1995, which established the current exemption for dividends.

Erickson Oliveira, partner at the law firm Levy & Salomão, said he has been fielding client queries. He noted that while the bill has been revised, the conflict with listed company rules remains unresolved, and that solutions must be evaluated case by case.

Debt issuance

Daniel Loria, former director at the Special Secretariat for Tax Reform and currently a partner at Loria Advogados, said his firm is also seeing increased demand. Private companies, which are not subject to the same scrutiny as listed firms and lack minority shareholders, are more inclined to take on debt. Others are expected to follow the bill’s guidelines and distribute dividends by 2028.

Among listed companies, Mr. Loria said, there is concern that announcing dividends this year while deferring payment could prompt pushback from investors demanding compliance with the Corporations Law. Many are expected to use available cash for 2025 distributions and then capitalize the remaining balance.

As dividend taxation increases, companies are also revisiting how to return value to shareholders. One alternative under review is expanding share buyback programs, common among U.S. companies, as a way to avoid tax exposure. However, firms are weighing the potential impact on stock liquidity.

*By Fernanda Guimarães — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/