Justices Kassio Nunes Marques and André Mendonça may be more isolated than ever
Situation of Justice Alexandre Moraes is the biggest question following revelations of suspicious ties to Daniel Vorcaro — Photo: Antonio Augusto/STF
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s (Workers’ Party, PT) reelection gives the majority wing of the Supreme Court some breathing room, according to justices interviewed by Valor. The assessment is that, even though the court will have to deal with a more hostile Senate starting next year, there is room to hold back impeachment proceedings. The question is what will happen to Justice Alexandre de Moraes. The scourge of Bolsonarism for his role in the “fake news” and coup plot investigations, he lost credibility after his alleged involvement in the Banco Master case came to light.
The assessment is that justices Kassio Nunes Marques and André Mendonça may be more isolated than ever. The pair of Jair Bolsonaro appointees presided over the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) in this year’s elections and, according to justices, burned through all their chips betting on a Flávio Bolsonaro (Liberal Party, PL) victory. The latest instance came on Sunday, over Nunes Marques’s stance on the request to extend voting hours.
With no position from the Electoral Court, Supreme Court Justice Cristiano Zanin decided to extend voting from 5:00 pm to 7:00 pm, which could give the defeated group an opening, once again, to turn against the court and challenge the election result. A justice consulted by Valor considers it unlikely that the vote will be annulled, given Lula’s margin of more than 4 million votes.
In addition, the assessment is that Nunes Marques and Mendonça acted to expose their Supreme Court colleagues by deepening the internal crisis caused by Master, and issued rulings to hurt Lula in the final stretch of the campaign. Contacted, both declined to comment.
Examples, they say, include Mendonça’s release of the Federal Police (PF) report mentioning messages from former banker Daniel Vorcaro, owner of Master, sent to a phone said to belong to Moraes. The issue was heavily exploited in the first round, and the damage fell on Lula. In the final phase, there were moves against the “Lula’s Army” channel, created by Federal Deputy André Janones (Sustainability Network, REDE, Minas Gerais), and the removal from the docket of trials that could have hurt Flávio at the TSE.
“They picked a fight with a lot of people because they wanted to become the owners of the Supreme Court. Obviously there will be consequences,” said a Supreme Court member on condition of anonymity. In his view, it is still hard to make many predictions about the next chapters given the divided country that emerged from the ballot boxes. There are, however, two forecasts: that the court does not intend, at this time, to abandon Moraes, and that if impeachment moves forward, there will be efforts to see that Nunes Marques, who is also under strong suspicion of involvement in the Master case, becomes the target of a similar proceeding.
Justices and insiders also believe the court may close ranks, as it has at other times when it felt under attack: in the 2022 elections, after January 8, 2023, in the coup plot trial, and amid U.S. threats against Supreme Court members. Chief Justice Edson Fachin, who does not want his tenure marked by the impeachment of colleagues, may also adopt a more defensive posture toward the court.
With the outcome of the presidential race, Lula should finally be able to move forward on filling the vacancy open since October 2025, when Luís Roberto Barroso retired early. Justices Luiz Fux, Cármen Lúcia, and Gilmar Mendes will also retire during the PT leader’s term. That means the government will have at least four appointments in the coming years, a number that could grow if impeachment proceedings advance in the Senate, which would be unprecedented.
If he stays on the court, Moraes will take over as chief justice in September next year. Impeachment could bring forward the tenure of Nunes Marques, Moraes’s successor, with Mendonça as vice president. Justices do not yet speak very openly about the matter, but there is chatter that if Moraes leaves and Nunes Marques stays, they could pick a different chief justice in a secret vote. Normally the choice is symbolic and follows a preset order, which has never been broken to date.
The Supreme Court also has an ace against impeachment. At the end of last year, Mendes issued an injunction raising the quorum needed to remove justices and giving the prosecutor general exclusive authority to file removal requests against members of the court. The justice later revised the latter requirement, but it could be reinstated if the court feels threatened.
On another front, Nunes Marques is the rapporteur at the Supreme Court on a request to annul the conviction of former president Jair Bolsonaro, sentenced to 27 years and three months for leading a coup attempt. Justices believe the outcome weakens a possible favorable preliminary ruling for Bolsonaro.
The justice has said he would take the case to the full court after the runoff. Lula’s reelection could undercut that intention, given how hard it would be for the request to prosper at the Supreme Court. Besides Moraes, justices Zanin, Flávio Dino, and Lúcia, who voted to convict Bolsonaro, while Fachin and Mendes oppose reviewing the conviction, according to justices and aides consulted.
There are no clear indications of what will become of Mendonça’s situation. The justice is the rapporteur of two of the court’s most high-profile cases: the Banco Master investigation and the inquiry into fraud involving association fees deducted from retirees’ and pensioners’ benefits at the National Social Security Institute (INSS). He is therefore expected to retain power on the court, despite the circumstances and possible isolation.
Sixteen elected governors backed Bolsonaro’s movement, but experts expect shifting alliances to preserve governability
Celina Leão, backed by Flávio Bolsonaro and former first lady Michelle Bolsonaro, won reelection in the Federal District — Photo: Cristiano Mariz/O Globo
Governors were elected in runoff races in five states—Acre, Amazonas, Tocantins, Espírito Santo, and Rio Grande do Norte—as well as the Federal District on Sunday (Oct. 25). Two are aligned with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Workers’ Party, PT), who won reelection with 51.78% of the vote, while four were allies of Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro (Liberal Party, PL). Including the first round, 16 of the governors elected nationwide had declared support for Bolsonaro’s political movement, seven backed Lula, and four remained neutral during the campaign.
The PL elected the largest number of governors, with six, followed by the Social Democratic Party (PSD), with five. The PT, Republicans, and Progressive Party (PP) each won four governorships. These five parties will control the state governments of 23 of Brazil’s 26 states and the Federal District. Overall, Sunday’s results largely confirmed the forecasts in election polls published on the eve of the vote.
Two candidates overturned their first-round deficits. In Tocantins, federal deputy Vicentinho Júnior (Brazilian Social Democracy Party, PSDB) defeated Professora Dorinha (Brazil Union, União Brasil), who had Flávio Bolsonaro’s backing. Vicentinho finished second in the first round with 43.94% of valid votes, compared with Dorinha’s 45.52%. Vicentinho is the son of former Sen. Vicentinho Alves.
In Rio Grande do Norte, governor-elect Cadu de Lula (PT) also overcame his initial disadvantage, winning 50.77% of valid votes to defeat Alysson (Brazil Union), who had remained neutral in the presidential race. Cadu Xavier, who used the name Cadu de Lula on the ballot, served as finance secretary under Gov. Fátima Bezerra (PT), whom he will succeed.
In Espírito Santo, former Vitória Mayor LorenzoPazolini (Republicans) was elected governor, defeating Ricardo Ferraço (Brazilian Democratic Movement, MDB) with 52.01% of the vote. Pazolini, who received Flávio Bolsonaro’s endorsement, stepped down as mayor of the state capital this year to run for governor.
In the Federal District, Gov. Celina Leão (PP), backed by Flávio Bolsonaro and former first lady Michelle Bolsonaro, won reelection by defeating Leandro Grass (PT). With 98% of ballots counted, she had 57.21% of valid votes, compared with 42.79% for her opponent. She narrowly missed winning outright in the first round, falling short by just 1,089 votes.
In Amazonas, Sen. Omar Aziz (PSD), who had Lula’s backing, defeated Maria do Carmo (PL). With all polling stations reporting, Aziz received 61.42% of the vote, against 38.58% for his opponent. At 68, Aziz returns to lead the Amazonas state government after serving as governor from 2010 to 2014.
According to political scientists, despite many governors not being aligned with Lula, neither side is expected to face major governability problems, nor is the balance of power in Congress likely to be affected. One example is Republicans, who elected governors in two of Brazil’s largest electoral districts: Cleitinho Azevedo in Minas Gerais and Tarcísio de Freitas in São Paulo. Yet in the Chamber of Deputies, Speaker Hugo Motta continues to support the governing coalition, and the Republicans also holds cabinet posts.
Experts expect new political coalitions and alliances to emerge, as is typical of Brazil’s federal system. André Borges, a professor at the University of Brasília (UnB), said that although the PL elected the most governors and has a sizable presence in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, this does not give the party a free hand at either the state or federal level.
“The PL was the big winner in the state elections, but other right-wing parties also performed well, such as Republicans. Power is not concentrated in a single party,” Borges said. Politicians will still need to negotiate and build alliances, he added. He cited the PL’s attempt, after the first round, to negotiate for the speakership of the Chamber of Deputies. “Hugo Motta has put together a coalition backed by 10 parties. Everything points to his reelection. That shows a tactical mistake on their part [the PL’s], because the election was barely over when they were already telling allies they wanted the leadership of both the Chamber and the Senate. That’s not how it works,” he said.
Experts expect Lula to maintain an institutional relationship with political opponents, as he did with São Paulo Gov. Tarcísio de Freitas during his current term. Despite their political differences, the two worked together on the Santos-Guarujá Tunnel, Brazil’s first immersed-tube tunnel, through a public-private partnership (PPP). “There was no boycott or anything of the sort; the money was transferred,” said Claudio Couto, a professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV).
Couto expects that pattern to continue. “If we look at Lula’s third term, with the far right already in power in some states, he has sought to maintain institutional relations. We saw that in his dealings with Tarcísio de Freitas and even [Ronaldo] Caiado, who took a very hard line on public security. There were disagreements, but no major clashes. I believe we will see the same pattern again,” he said.
Political scientists note that campaign endorsements can be fragile and may shift after an election. During former President Jair Bolsonaro’s administration, for example, Bolsonaro—who is in prison after being convicted in a coup plot—broke with then-São Paulo Gov. João Doria (PSDB) and then-Rio de Janeiro Gov. Wilson Witzel (Social Christian Party, PSC). In addition, governors, particularly those of Brazil’s largest states, are “natural potential presidential candidates,” Borges noted, creating another incentive for political rifts.
Experts acknowledge, however, that political alignment can help during campaigns and may influence the ability to attract investment once a governor takes office. “Alignment does have an effect, but less so today than in the past because social policies have become much more decentralized. Thirty years ago, before the creation of Fundef and Fundeb, the states played an intermediary role. Today, many programs transfer funds directly to municipalities based on more universal criteria, reducing the room for political bargaining,” Borges said.
Borges said two state-level candidates stood out: Pernambuco Gov. Raquel Lyra, who won reelection despite remaining neutral in the national campaign and defeating João Campos (Brazilian Socialist Party, PSB), the former mayor of Recife who had Lula’s support; and Cleitinho Azevedo (Republicans), who won the Minas Gerais governorship in the first round with 55.40% of the vote.
*By Marcela Villar and Guilherme Carvalho — São Paulo
Changes bring more live channels and sports coverage to ad-supported subscribers
Júlia Rueff — Photo: Divulgação
Globoplay, Brazil’s leading streaming platform, owned by Globo, is rolling out a revamped subscription offering on Monday (Oct. 26), aimed at improving the user experience while creating new opportunities for advertisers.
“We’re giving more people access to a broader range of content that was previously restricted to premium subscribers,” said Júlia Rueff, Globo’s executive director of digital platforms.
Globoplay offers three subscription tiers: an ad-supported standard plan, premium and premium+premiere.
Before the changes, the standard plan included Globoplay original productions, such as exclusive series and movies; live and on-demand TV Globo programming; current and classic Brazilian soap operas; short-form Brazilian, Turkish and Mexican dramas; international movies and series; the free channels ge.tv and Futura; and selected Globo FAST channels, which cater to niche audiences, such as Receitas TV and Malhação TV.
Starting Monday, the ad-supported tier will expand to include the content catalog available to premium subscribers, while retaining all its existing programming.
More than 20 live channels will be added to the standard plan, including sportv, Combate, Multishow, GNT, Globoplay Novelas and GloboNews. Subscribers will also gain access to more than 2,500 live sporting events and games each year broadcast on sportv channels.
New plan features
With the expanded catalog, the main distinction between the ad-supported and premium plans will shift from content availability to the viewing experience.
The tiers will differ in features such as advertising on on-demand videos, the number of simultaneous streams, picture quality and the ability to download content for offline viewing.
The ad-supported plan allows two simultaneous streams, compared with five for premium and premium+premiere subscribers. The two higher-priced tiers also allow users to download up to 25 titles to their libraries and offer 4K video quality.
“This is a subscriber-focused reorganization that improves the overall value proposition for users while creating opportunities for advertisers,” Rueff said.
Advertisers will gain access to new ad formats, including “welcome ads,” which allow advertisements to appear on Globoplay’s profile selection screen.
“Everything we do to improve the user experience also benefits advertisers because it means more people watching, greater engagement and more impact for brands,” Rueff said.
Profitability and growth
Rueff said Globoplay, which reached breakeven in 2025, is expected to turn a profit this year.
“We’ve improved Globoplay’s profitability while also growing our subscriber base and content consumption.”
From January through August 2026, Globoplay’s subscriber base grew 31% compared with the same period last year.
Globo does not disclose the platform’s total number of subscribers but says 30 million people access Globoplay every month.
Central Bank approved Francine Kallas as Pincred’s controlling shareholder, while antitrust regulator had cleared a deal identifying her brother Lucas as the buyer
Lucas Kallas — Photo: Gabriel Reis/Valor
Brazil’s Central Bank authorized in August businesswoman Francine Kallas to take control of Pintos S.A. (Pincred), a finance company based in the northeastern state of Piauí. But a year and a half earlier, the country’s antitrust regulator had cleared the acquisition of the same lender by her brother, Lucas Kallas.
A review by Valor of filings submitted to the Central Bank and the Administrative Council for Economic Defense (Cade)–along with corporate records from the network of companies involved in the transaction–raises questions about who actually controls Pintos.
The case has drawn attention because Lucas Kallas, a businessman associated with Cedro Mineração, has maintained business ties with former banker Daniel Vorcaro, of Banco Master, and has been the subject of criminal investigations and proceedings, although he has not been convicted of any crime.
Conflicting ownership filings
On November 16, 2024, lawyers representing the Kallas family filed a merger notification with Cade stating that Lucas indirectly controlled Forest Holding Financeira, the company that acquired Pintos S.A. Crédito, Financiamento e Investimentos.
“The buyer is a non-operating holding company wholly owned by Lucas Kallas through Monte Líbano Participações S.A.,” states both the petition signed by the family’s lawyers and the accompanying merger notification form.
Ten days later, however, a separate application was filed with the Central Bank seeking approval to transfer ultimate control of Pintos to Francine Prado Kallas, Lucas’s sister, according to a notice published by the monetary authority.
The Central Bank reviews acquisitions, mergers and the establishment of financial institutions primarily from a financial stability perspective. Its assessments include whether prospective owners meet integrity and reputation requirements, have the financial resources to sustain the business and can demonstrate the lawful origin of their funds.
Changes to the companies’ ownership structures came only after the application was submitted to the Central Bank.
On December 31, 2024, Francine injected R$85 million into Monte Líbano Participações, which owns Forest Holding Financeira. Forest was the company that actually acquired an 80% stake in Pintos. The remaining 20% of Forest was held by businessman Pedro Mesquita, of Exa Capital.
Despite the corporate restructuring, Cade approved the acquisition without restrictions on January 6, 2025. The transaction was cleared as a purchase by the Kallas Group, which the documents submitted by the family’s lawyers identified as being controlled by Lucas.
Regulatory scrutiny
From a practical standpoint, whether Cade approved the acquisition by a group led by Lucas or by his sister makes little difference. Pintos is a small company, and the transaction has virtually no impact on competition.
For the Central Bank, however, establishing who actually owns Pincred is essential to determining whether the buyer meets regulatory requirements, including those concerning integrity and reputation.
What remains unclear is whether the monetary authority’s review covered only Francine or also her brother.
Valor has been seeking comment from the Central Bank since August 26 but did not receive a response.
On August 18, Valor reported the Central Bank’s approval of the acquisition, noting that Lucas was among those indicted by Brazil’s Federal Police in Operation Parcours, an investigation into a suspected illegal iron ore extraction scheme in Serra do Curral, in the Belo Horizonte metropolitan a
Francine’s name also appears in the Parcours investigation.
Federal Police documents describe an email exchange in which a Cedro executive asked an asset manager to register her email address with a fund managed by Reag. The documents reportedly listed Francine’s declared assets at R$204 million.
Business ties to Banco Master
As previously reported by Valor, Lucas announced last month that he was stepping down as chairman of Cedro Participações, a holding company he founded with operations in mining, agribusiness, construction and transportation.
Kallas and Vorcaro have been involved in several business ventures together.
WhatsApp conversations involving the former banker show that the two traveled to Venezuela in October 2023 to explore opportunities in the oil industry.
Both were also investors in biotechnology company Biomm. In addition, the Kallas group was hired to build hospitals for Oncoclínicas, in which Vorcaro held a stake.
Lucas also obtained a R$254.8 million loan from Banco Master in April 2024, which was subsequently assigned to Banco Voiter.
The transaction appears on a list of loans submitted by Banco Master’s liquidator in court proceedings seeking to recover outstanding lending. The documents do not establish whether the debt was repaid.
WhatsApp exchanges between Vorcaro and Paulo Henrique Costa, the former CEO of state-controlled lender BRB, show that Master’s owner attempted to transfer the loans to BRB.
In one message, Costa said the proposal had been blocked by BRB’s compliance department because of the criminal investigations involving Lucas.
Even if the acquisition of Pintos had been submitted to the Central Bank under Lucas’s name, however, it is uncertain whether the regulator would have had the authority to block the transaction.
Guidance from the Central Bank’s Office of the General Counsel states that a person can be deemed unfit on integrity grounds only after a judicial conviction. Neither Lucas nor his sister has been convicted.
The press office representing Lucas and Francine said both are shareholders and members of the controlling shareholder group of Cedro Participações.
“The acquisition of control of Pintos S.A. Crédito, Financiamento e Investimento (Pincred) was conducted entirely with the advice of Pinheiro Neto Advogados, which prepared the applications and supporting explanations based on the same documents submitted to the Central Bank and Cade, both of which approved the transaction without reservations,” the statement said.
The representatives said the Central Bank received more complete and detailed information about the Cedro Group’s control structure, as the authority responsible for reviewing and approving transfers of control involving financial institutions.
“As for the merger notification submitted to Cade, specific terminology relevant to competition matters was used to describe the acquiring economic group, with all supporting documentation correctly setting out the corporate structure,” the statement said.
Regarding Operation Parcours, Lucas’s defense team said it “trusts that his innocence will be recognized.”
“The indictment is based on old facts that were already examined in a previous investigation and dismissed by the courts,” the lawyers said.
“The operation was based on events that occurred approximately six years after the end of any relationship between Lucas and the companies investigated in that case.”
The press office also said the Federal Police report “mentions funds managed by Reag only as a hypothesis that might eventually warrant further investigation.”
“After being formally consulted by the defense, the Federal Police stated that there is no ongoing investigation into the matter, indicating that the hypotheses were not supported by factual evidence,” the statement said.
Regarding the Banco Master loan, the representatives said it was obtained through a regular transaction “with an institution whose securities were, at the time, distributed by participants throughout the financial system.”
They also maintained that the loan had been repaid, that the funds were available and that the bank’s liquidator had been notified.
Cade said through its press office that the parties had not formally notified the regulator of any corporate restructuring.
“The competitive effects of the transaction would not change if the acquiring economic group remained the same,” the agency said.
Cade added that it does not comment on proceedings classified as confidential.
Washington is expected to push for access to critical minerals, trade concessions and closer security ties, but analysts see obstacles even under a Bolsonaro presidency
Donald Trump — Photo: Nathan Howard/Reuters
The Trump administration is expected to renew pressure on Brazil over access to critical minerals, trade concessions and regional security cooperation once Sunday’s presidential runoff is decided, although analysts say Washington may struggle to secure its demands regardless of who wins.
President Donald Trump has made no secret of his support for Flávio Bolsonaro’s candidacy. He praised the senator’s performance after the first round. He had already received Flávio and his brother, Eduardo Bolsonaro, at the White House during the campaign.
Despite the Bolsonaro family’s ideological affinity with Trump, many assess that Flávio, if elected on Sunday (25), would struggle to advance measures in Washington’s interest.
“The Trump administration may demand new terms for U.S. ethanol from a potential Flávio Bolsonaro government, given that they would be friendly administrations,” said Kellie Meiman Hock, a former diplomat and former official at the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR).
She recalled another Trump administration objective: to move Latin America’s largest economy closer to Washington and further from Beijing.
But Hock, who worked in Brazil for several years, said she doubted that whoever is elected would have the political backing and support from major economic sectors needed to implement Washington’s agenda.
“In Flávio’s case, political affinity with the United States is one thing; the numbers are another. China is deeply involved in Brazil’s economy,” she said.
If President Lula is reelected, the path will likely remain much the same as it has been so far: rejecting U.S. demands on ethanol and distancing from China.
Another issue likely to return to the negotiating table is U.S. access to Brazil’s mineral resources, as part of talks over American tariffs on Brazilian products.
“The United States is likely to press for priority access to critical mineral and rare-earth reserves, seeking to restrict Chinese investment in the supply chain and in the processing of these materials in Brazil,” said Bruna Santos, director of the program studying U.S.-Brazil relations at the Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington-based think tank focused on Latin America.
Washington’s efforts made little headway during Lula’s administration. The Brazilian government argues that the country is open to partnerships with all nations and that its priority is to process these minerals and add value to them domestically.
Santos believes the United States may also expect gestures from Brazil on climate agreements if the opposition wins on Sunday. She also sees Washington stepping up demands for Brazil to loosen its current digital-platform regulations.
Lula and Flávio will likely handle these issues differently if they lead the government, as will the White House-promoted regional security agenda for Latin American countries.
Trump is betting on an initiative called the Shield of the Americas, which brings together 14 South and Central American countries under Washington’s leadership, all with right-wing governments. Its stated goal is to coordinate efforts against drug trafficking in the region.
Brazil and Mexico, Latin America’s two largest economies, are not part of the initiative, despite their center-left administrations. Flávio has said he intends to bring Brazil into the alliance if elected.
The Lula government does not prioritize the initiative. Instead, it favors regional partnerships and the existing cooperation between U.S. and Brazilian agencies.
Political science professor Edgar Franco-Vivanco of the University of Michigan, who is Mexican, said countries that choose to maintain a relationship with the United States that is not automatically aligned with Washington may face greater difficulties in dealing with the White House.
“On the other hand, that autonomous relationship can be a political advantage for some countries,” he said, citing Mexico and Brazil, where the presidents’ standing strengthened when Trump adopted confrontational measures toward those countries.
Government says new measures can fit within spending limits, but economists warn of growing fiscal pressure and estimate much larger impact
Matheus Rosa Ribeiro — Photo: Leo Pinheiro/Valor
Facing criticism from fiscal experts and political opponents over a wave of measures announced by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva ahead of the election, the federal government plans to submit a revised 2027 budget proposal to Congress, reallocating about R$20 billion to fund its latest initiatives without raising the overall spending ceiling.
In an interview with Valor, Planning and Budget Minister Bruno Moretti outlined the adjustments needed to accommodate an increase in cash-transfer program Bolsa Família benefits, the expansion of the Pé-de-Meia student savings program, the Desenrola debt-relief initiative and Pix MEI–a new program offering grants of up to R$5,000 to individual microentrepreneurs–among other measures.
Moretti said the inclusion of weight-loss drugs in Brazil’s public healthcare system, known as SUS, would be covered by existing health allocations, requiring no additional budget reshuffling. A proposal to make public transportation free on weekends, meanwhile, would depend on an agreement with Congress to redirect mandatory parliamentary earmarks.
The minister said the administration has no further measures planned and believes it has struck a balance. “If we go any further, we’ll have gone too far,” he said.
Fiscal impact
The government estimates that measures announced during Lula’s reelection campaign could have a combined fiscal impact of R$53.6 billion in 2027, including R$45.7 billion in additional spending and R$7.9 billion in lost revenue. The figures remain preliminary.
The Planning and Budget Ministry maintains that the measures can be absorbed without changing either the spending ceiling or the primary fiscal balance target. For that reason, Moretti prefers to describe only the roughly R$20 billion requiring reallocations from other budget items as a direct budgetary impact.
Fiscal experts dispute that interpretation. The government expects to offset much of the new spending through revisions to mandatory expenditure estimates, among other adjustments.
A financial institution’s estimates obtained by Valor, however, point to a significantly greater fiscal impact than the government’s R$53.6 billion projection. Public finance specialists also warn that the reallocations will squeeze uncommitted discretionary spending — including operating costs and investment, over which the government has greater flexibility — and make expenditure restraint more difficult in subsequent years.
Moretti said the government’s baseline scenario is to preserve the 2027 primary fiscal target, aiming for a surplus of 0.5% of gross domestic product, as required under Brazil’s fiscal framework.
The administration also intends to maintain the R$10.2 billion fiscal cushion included in the proposed budget, although the minister acknowledged that this margin could eventually shrink.
After accounting for legally permitted deductions, the 2027 budget proposal projects a primary surplus of R$83.4 billion, compared with the target midpoint of R$73.2 billion. Without those deductions, the projected effective primary surplus falls to R$18.6 billion.
That surplus, however, would not be sufficient to prevent public debt from rising. During Lula’s third term, Brazil’s gross general government debt has climbed by more than 10 percentage points of GDP, reaching 82.9% in August, compared with 71.7% at the end of 2022.
Bolsa Família increase
The largest source of pressure on the budget is the increase in Bolsa Família benefits, estimated to cost R$22.7 billion in 2027.
Moretti believes at least R$10 billion can be covered by savings within mandatory expenditure projections, including roughly R$6 billion from Bolsa Família itself, following reviews of the program implemented this year.
The government has also identified room in spending forecasts for pensions, the Continuous Cash Benefit (BPC), which supports low-income elderly people and people with disabilities, and federal personnel costs.
That would leave approximately R$12 billion without identified funding, requiring reallocations from other budget areas.
Student assistance
Another R$2 billion in reallocations would be needed to expand the Pé-de-Meia program for secondary school students and create a version for university students.
At full implementation, the programs are expected to cost R$6.9 billion and R$4.6 billion annually, respectively, broadly in line with market estimates.
The difference, Moretti argued, is that private-sector analysts assume the full annual costs will be incurred in 2027, while the government plans a gradual rollout.
For next year, the ministry’s preliminary estimates provide for about R$2 billion per program, totaling R$4 billion.
Of that amount, Moretti said approximately R$2 billion could be accommodated within the constitutionally mandated minimum education budget. Planned education spending already exceeds that floor by about R$2.4 billion.
In addition, some student assistance grants currently provided by federal universities and institutes could be replaced by the new university-level Pé-de-Meia program. The remaining R$2 billion would have to come from reallocations elsewhere in the budget.
Free weekend transportation
The government’s calculations also include R$12 billion for a proposal to make public transportation free on weekends, although its estimates range from R$8 billion to R$12 billion.
The administration intends to submit a proposed constitutional amendment to Congress next week establishing a funding mechanism based on parliamentary earmarks.
The plan is to use part of the R$44.8 billion allocated in the 2027 budget proposal to mandatory individual and caucus earmarks, while preserving funds designated for healthcare.
The share that would be redirected to public transportation remains subject to negotiations with Congress, which will have a more right-leaning composition from 2027.
Moretti described the initiative as the first step in a broader discussion Lula intends to pursue on improving the allocation and effectiveness of parliamentary budget earmarks.
Debt relief and healthcare
The Desenrola debt-relief initiative would require another R$5 billion in reallocations within discretionary spending. That amount includes roughly R$600 million for Desenrola MEI, targeting individual microentrepreneurs.
Pix MEI would account for approximately R$1 billion in 2027, completing the roughly R$20 billion in spending reallocations.
The inclusion of weight-loss drugs in SUS, estimated to cost about R$1 billion, would not require funds to be redirected from other areas. Instead, the expense would be covered within the minimum healthcare budget, using allocations already designated for medical supplies.
Revenue projections
On the revenue side, the budget proposal already incorporates R$1.6 billion in lost receipts resulting from an increase in the annual turnover ceiling for individual microentrepreneurs, known as MEIs.
Additional revenue losses are estimated at R$6.3 billion, including R$5.3 billion from lower taxes on online betting and approximately R$1 billion from the forgiveness of MEI debts.
Those losses could be accommodated through revisions to economic assumptions, including oil prices and inflation, without necessarily requiring equivalent offsets.
In the case of online betting, the government also believes it may be able to reduce spending linked to that budget category, limiting the net fiscal impact.
Economic assumptions
The updated budget proposal will incorporate a lower GDP growth forecast than the roughly 2.5% estimate used in the original submission, potentially reducing projected tax receipts.
Other economic assumptions have yet to be finalized and could move in the opposite direction.
Moretti pointed to oil prices as one example. Brent crude at around $80 a barrel, compared with the $71 assumed in the original budget proposal, would increase oil-related government revenue.
Under a scenario of Brent trading at $80, the minister said fuel subsidies would not be necessary.
He added that existing fuel subsidies are determined month by month, which is why the government has not included the expense in its 2027 projections.
A major financial institution that requested anonymity, however, has included R$15.2 billion in fuel subsidies in its spending forecasts for next year.
Those expenditures fall outside the fiscal framework’s spending limit but still affect the primary balance target.
The institution’s estimate assumes that extending the subsidy program through December could push some payments into 2027 because of the delay between the calculation of benefits by Brazil’s oil regulator, the National Agency of Petroleum, Natural Gas and Biofuels (ANP), and the government’s disbursement of funds.
Betting revenue losses
Private-sector estimates also suggest a larger revenue impact from changes affecting online betting.
The same financial institution projects R$11.2 billion in lost revenue in 2027. Its calculation accounts for some tax receipts being recovered as consumers shift spending toward other goods and services, while also factoring in the possibility that betting activity will migrate to the untaxed illegal market.
Moretti defended the government’s lower estimate, arguing that it already assumes some decline in betting volumes as a result of restrictions the administration had been introducing.
Budget constraints
Public finance specialists say the administration’s proposals, which have been advancing with congressional support, could further restrict budget flexibility and complicate compliance with the primary fiscal target.
Although the measures would not raise the overall spending ceiling, they would reduce the funds available for uncommitted discretionary expenditures, where the government has the greatest latitude.
A substantial share of the new commitments, including higher Bolsa Família benefits, constitutes mandatory spending. Other initiatives, such as Pé-de-Meia, would be politically difficult to cut.
The financial institution’s analysis obtained by Valor puts the combined impact of federal government measures at R$87.9 billion.
That is considerably above the government’s R$53.6 billion estimate, mainly because of differences in the projected cost of individual measures, including online betting, and the inclusion of fuel subsidies.
Market economists also warn that incorporating additional spending commitments would make it harder to contain expenditure growth in subsequent years.
In particular, the measures could complicate efforts to lower the maximum permitted real growth in spending under the fiscal framework from the current 2.5% to between 1.5% and 2%, an option previously advocated by some Finance Ministry officials.
“New permanent expenditures further erode the room available for uncommitted discretionary spending,” said Alexandre Andrade, director of the Independent Fiscal Institution (IFI), a fiscal watchdog affiliated with the Senate.
Andrade said reducing the real growth limit for spending from 2.5% to 2% remains possible, but would require changes to the rules governing mandatory expenditure growth.
“Otherwise, the cuts would fall on investment and operating expenses.”
He also warned that the 2027 target of a primary surplus equivalent to 0.5% of GDP will face additional pressure as court-ordered government payments, known as precatórios, are gradually brought back into the fiscal target calculations.
The proposed 2027 Budget Guidelines Law provides for 39.4% of those payments, or R$38.5 billion, to count toward next year’s target.
Legislation allows that share to be reduced to as little as 10%, which would ease the pressure. Moretti, however, said the government is not discussing such a reduction.
Election-year spending
“We are witnessing an intensification of election-driven measures, something that was also prevalent in 2022,” said Matheus Rosa Ribeiro, an analyst at BRCG.
He noted that the expansion of the personal income tax exemption to people earning up to R$5,000 a month was announced after months of discussion and was accompanied by offsetting measures, as would normally be expected for an initiative of that kind.
“In recent days, a series of measures with a much greater impact on public finances has been rushed through discussions, just days after the submission of a budget proposal that does not include them,” Ribeiro said.
“In that sense, the presence of a political budget cycle has become very clear, and institutional safeguards have been unable to restrain it.”
Congressional support
The push to expand spending in the final stretch before the election has found support in Congress, where proposals that had long been stalled are now advancing, said economist Alexandre Manoel of Global Intelligence and Analytics.
“Putting all the blame on the executive branch doesn’t seem very rational to me, especially because it doesn’t have that much power,” Manoel said.
“The prospects for reelection are weaker than they were a year ago, and he [Lula] couldn’t push these proposals with such intensity.”
One possible explanation discussed among analysts is the weakening of the Centrão, Brazil’s loosely organized bloc of centrist parties, which lost ground to the right in elections for the Lower House and Senate.
Against that backdrop, centrist lawmakers may have become more motivated to respond to voters’ demands and demonstrate that they can deliver concrete results.
In a statement, the Finance Ministry said the government would submit the necessary budget adjustments to Congress and that they “will be made consistent with the primary fiscal balance target and the fiscal framework.”
Analysts see higher labor costs and possible price increases, while others say better-rested workers and lower turnover could offset some of the impact
Fernando de Holanda Barbosa Filho — Photo: Leo Pinheiro/Valor
Brazil’s decision to end the six-day workweek could increase labor costs, put upward pressure on inflation, and force companies to rethink staffing, economists say. But some argue that productivity gains, lower absenteeism, and reduced employee turnover could help cushion the impact.
Fernando de Holanda Barbosa Filho, a researcher at Fundação Getulio Vargas’s Brazilian Institute of Economics (FGV Ibre), said the main concern is that shorter working hours could reduce productivity and weigh on gross domestic product. He also warned of higher costs and legal uncertainties for employers.
“Creating a second paid day off could bring even more complications for a company, increasing costs per employee,” he said.
According to a report by FGV Ibre, the new legislation could raise labor costs by up to 20% for companies currently operating on a 44-hour workweek. Barbosa Filho also warned of a potential increase in employee turnover, as companies might replace existing workers with cheaper labor.
The proposal to end the six-day workweek was rushed through the approval process, leaving several loose ends, according to Luis Otávio Leal, chief economist at G5 Partners.
He said the measure could affect inflation, particularly because of the proposed short transition period. The investment firm’s hypothetical calculations suggest that such a rapid transition could add up to 0.5 percentage points to annual inflation, as measured by Brazil’s official consumer price index, the IPCA.
Leal estimated that the measure would increase labor costs by around 10%, based on a rough calculation that does not account for additional hiring, which he believes productivity gains would be insufficient to avoid. “There is a significant inflationary issue built into this proposal,” he said.
Some have compared the potential impact with the reduction in the maximum workweek from 48 to 44 hours under Brazil’s 1988 Constitution, noting that no discernible effect on prices was observed at the time. However, Leal argued that the two situations are not comparable.
“That is because inflation in 1988 was almost 30% a month. It was impossible to isolate the net effect of a change in working hours.”
Bruno Imaizumi, an economist at 4intelligence, calculated that changing working hours would require a 1.4% increase in Brazilian productivity to offset potential GDP losses.
According to Imaizumi, while 74.7% of formally employed workers have contracts stipulating 41 to 44 hours a week, only 31.8% actually work that many hours. The largest group, 39.5%, works between 31 and 40 hours a week, according to data from Brazil’s statistics agency, IBGE.
Imaizumi said several factors could mitigate the measure’s negative effects on productivity, including a possible decline in absenteeism, more people entering the labor force, and greater participation by women, who could find it easier to balance work with other responsibilities.
He also expects employee turnover to decline, helping companies reduce training and recruitment costs.
The decision is likely to impose substantial transition costs on the Brazilian economy at a time when it is still operating close to capacity, said Sergio Vale, chief economist at MB Associados.
Beyond the potential effects on companies and employment, Vale warned that companies could pass higher costs on to consumers. “The impact of changing the work schedule on costs varies from company to company, but it could reach 6% or 9%. And in an economy that is still running hot, despite slowing down, there is a strong possibility that those costs will be passed on,” he said.
Vale cautioned that a victory by presidential candidate Flávio Bolsonaro, of the Liberal Party (PL), could reverse the measure’s implementation, even though the senator has changed his position and declared his support for it.
At the same time, Vale expressed concern about efforts to approve another proposal to change labor rules, a constitutional amendment concerning working hours. Among other provisions, the proposal would pay workers based on the hours they actually work, rather than on a weekly work schedule, as is currently the case.
The proposal, introduced by Senator Rogério Marinho, a coordinator of the PL presidential campaign, is “much more radical,” Vale said.
“At a time when the focus is on fiscal issues, as it is now, it would be better not to approve such major changes one after another without allowing time to understand their effects.”
“I find it difficult to see enough support to approve changes as radical as this one—which essentially seeks to introduce a system similar to that of the United States—at a time when a major change, the end of the six-day workweek, is already being negotiated.”
Naercio Menezes Filho, an economist and professor at Insper and an associate professor at the University of São Paulo’s School of Economics, Business and Accounting, offered a different perspective.
He said the extra day off would let workers rest, enjoy leisure activities, and care for their children, potentially improving productivity at work and even offsetting companies’ increased costs.
*By Guilherme Paiva, Grace Vasconcelo, Marcelo Osakabe, Marta Watanabe and Vinícius Lucena — São Paulo
Candidates are in a statistical tie in polling firm’s first electoral survey for the second round of the presidential vote
In the first Quaest poll for the presidential runoff, Senator Flávio Bolsonaro (Liberal Party, PL) leads with 46% of voting intentions, while President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Workers’ Party, PT) has 44%, putting the two candidates in a statistical tie.
According to the poll, released Wednesday (14), 11 days before the election, undecided voters account for 1%, while blank and invalid ballots and voters who say they will not vote total 9%. Flávio has a rejection rate of 54%, while Lula is rejected by 53%.
Among valid votes, Flávio has 51% and Lula 49%. Valid votes, which exclude blank and invalid ballots, are the basis on which Brazil’s Electoral Justice system determines the election result.
The poll, which has a margin of error of 2 percentage points and a 95% confidence level, was commissioned by TV Globo and newspaper O Globo and registered with the Electoral Justice system under code BR-08729/2026. A total of 2,154 people were interviewed between Saturday (10) and Tuesday (13). The runoff is scheduled for October 25.
According to Quaest, 35% of respondents said they voted for Flávio in the first round, while 34% said they chose Lula. For 91% of respondents, their choice of candidate for the runoff is final, while 9% said they could still change their minds.
In the spontaneous poll, in which respondents are not shown the candidates’ names, Flávio is mentioned by 43% of respondents, while Lula is cited by 42%. A total of 8% say they will cast a blank or invalid ballot or will not vote, while 7% are undecided.
In Quaest’s poll on the eve of the first round, on October 3, a simulated runoff between Flávio and Lula showed the two candidates tied at the time: the PL candidate had 44% of voting intentions and the PT candidate 42%. The margin of error was also 2 percentage points. At the ballot box, Flávio finished ahead of Lula in the first round, winning 47.03% of valid votes, compared with 45.16% for the incumbent president. The other candidates together received 7.79%.
The new poll was conducted amid a legal battle between the two campaigns, with both sides filing complaints over fake news and alleged irregularities. Over the weekend, Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court (TSE) became embroiled in a dispute over the “Exército do Lula” (“Lula’s Army”) channel on WhatsApp, with rulings first ordering the group suspended and later allowing it to remain active.
Flávio’s team requested that the community be taken offline, alleging that it was spreading false information. However, the TSE’s technical staff said in a report that they had not identified misleading messages. Citing the high volume of lawsuits, TSE President Kassio Nunes Marques called a meeting with representatives of both campaigns to highlight what he described as “excessive litigation” and propose reducing the number of electoral lawsuits.
The past few days have also been marked by demonstrations in support of Lula in several cities across the country. One of the largest rallies took place Sunday (11) on Avenida Paulista in São Paulo, with the reelection candidate in attendance. Other events, including a rally on Copacabana Beach in Rio de Janeiro on Monday (12), drew sizable crowds even without Lula’s presence.
Both campaigns are reinforcing their strategies to expand their vote share and reduce abstention. Flávio has prioritized building political alliances to strengthen his coalition for the runoff, securing the support of Brazil Union, Progressives Party (PP), Republicans, Novo and Podemos, as well as most of the state-level branches of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB). The PL candidate has also held street campaign events in São Gonçalo, in Rio de Janeiro state.
Among the candidates defeated in the first round, Augusto Cury (Avante), Ronaldo Caiado (Social Democratic Party, PSD) and Romeu Zema (Novo) announced their support for Flávio in the runoff, while Renan Santos (Mission) opted for neutrality. In his speeches, the PL candidate has said his campaign must not become “overconfident” and has urged supporters to mobilize to maintain his lead.
Lula’s allies are betting on a “momentum for a comeback” to narrow the gap with Flávio and overtake him in the runoff. In addition to mobilization on the streets and social media, the PT has revamped its communications strategy in an effort to reduce the opponent’s perceived advantage and increase his rejection rate. On Tuesday (13), the government announced a package of measures for individual microentrepreneurs (MEIs) and the creation of the Pé-de-Meia scholarship program for university students.
Vote transfers
Among voters who supported Caiado, who account for 2% of the poll sample, 42% now intend to vote for Flávio and 23% for Lula. Among Santos’ voters, who also account for 2% of the sample, 40% are shifting to the PL candidate and 14% are choosing the PT candidate. Among Cury’s voters, who likewise account for 2% of the sample, 30% say they will vote for Flávio and 34% opt for Lula.
Among voters who abstained or cast blank or invalid ballots in the first round, 38% say they now support the senator, while 43% choose the incumbent president.
Government approval
The poll shows that 48% of voters disapprove of the Lula administration, while 45% approve. In the previous survey, conducted October 3, the figures were 49% and 44%, respectively. The share of respondents who did not know or declined to answer remained at 7%.
The Lula administration receives a negative assessment from 40% of respondents, down from 42%; a positive assessment from 34%, up from 33%; and a neutral or average rating from 24%, up from 23%. The share who did not know or declined to answer remained unchanged at 2%.
What voters fear
The poll also found that 43% of respondents say they are more afraid of the Bolsonaro family returning to power, the same percentage as those who say they are more concerned about Lula’s reelection. In the previous survey, fear of the Bolsonaros’ return had reached the lowest level in the historical series, at 40%, while the share more concerned about Lula remaining in office was the same 43% recorded now.
Voters who fear neither outcome account for 6%, up from 5%. Those who fear both scenarios represent 3%, down from 7%, while 5% did not know or declined to answer, unchanged from the previous survey.
According to Quaest director Felipe Nunes, the measure of voter fear is one of the indicators that “point to a relative recovery for Lula” compared with the eve of the first round.
“One of the most significant shifts in this indicator occurred among young people. Fear of Lula was the majority position in this subgroup on the 3rd [48%]. Now, young people are divided, with 45% more afraid of Bolsonaro’s return and 45% more afraid of Lula remaining in office,” the poll director said in an analysis posted on social media.
“Those who fear Lula’s [reelection] cite corruption, the cost of living, and poor administration as reasons. Those who fear Bolsonaro point to personal opposition to the family, the attempted coup, memories of a bad government and the possibility that social programs could be discontinued. Corruption is only the fifth most frequently mentioned issue,” Nunes noted.
Lula’s campaign, which is trying to create a “momentum for a comeback,” welcomed the rejection figures measured by Quaest, with Flávio’s rate one percentage point higher than the PT candidate’s. Despite the numerically unfavorable voting-intention figures for the president, allies say the poll indicates that the campaign strategy is “working.”
For the runoff, the party has placed its bets on increasing rejection of Flávio by associating the senator with militias, his father’s administration under former president Jair Bolsonaro (PL), and the possible discontinuation of social programs—a claim the PL disputes.
Other encouraging signs, according to PT supporters, were the one-percentage-point gap in the spontaneous poll, with Flávio ahead, and the slight improvement in government approval. They acknowledge, however, that the poll is “just one step” and that their opponent remains ahead in the race.
(Lucas Borges Teixeira and Sofia Aguiar contributed reporting from Brasília.)
U.S. military tests pilotless helicopters for logistics, rescue and firefighting missions as experts call for safeguards against AI risks
Lockheed Martin is developing the autonomous U-Hawk helicopter as it expands its presence in Latin America — Photo: Lockheed Martin/Divulgação
The U.S. Army has been testing fully autonomous helicopters developed by Lockheed Martin, the U.S. government’s largest defense contractor, as it moves toward deploying aircraft that can operate without pilots.
The U-Hawk, an autonomous version of the Black Hawk helicopter, a mainstay of the military aviation market since the 1970s, is expected to begin flying later this year, said Dan Tenney, Lockheed Martin’s senior vice president of global business development and strategy.
Autonomous helicopters could be deployed for logistical resupply missions, medical evacuations and fighting wildfires, another area in which the company has been expanding its efforts.
The new technology comes as Lockheed Martin seeks to expand its presence in Latin America, where it has recently delivered conventional Black Hawk helicopters to the Brazilian Army.
The company’s two main regional hubs are in Chile and Colombia, but it supplies defense equipment to several countries across Latin America. Its footprint could grow as the Donald Trump administration seeks to strengthen U.S. influence in the Western Hemisphere, with security cooperation playing a central role.
In August, Lockheed Martin announced an industrial partnership in Peru involving the joint production of drones.
A company spokesperson, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Lockheed Martin expects to continue expanding in Latin America through a combination of local presence, investment and partnerships.
Partnerships, the spokesperson said, are the foundation of the company’s business.
Autonomous technology
The technology powering the U-Hawk is called Matrix, a nondeterministic autonomous system that does not rely on predefined waypoints, for example.
“It can be operated from the ground or from anywhere, completely autonomously. You can even deploy a ground vehicle to rescue someone if necessary,” Tenney said. In such systems, pilots would increasingly become mission “managers” rather than directly controlling the aircraft.
“It reads the environment around it. It receives data from space and other resources and can redirect its flight path,” the executive explained.
The advanced autonomy platform has already been integrated into 20 different types of aircraft, including fixed-wing planes, helicopters and smaller drones.
“You could have a combat aircraft, a helicopter or something similar that can operate without a human pilot on board. These aircraft could have the capability to carry out strikes, interceptions and other similar operations, and they could be remotely controlled,” Tenney said.
The software can also execute emergency procedures, allowing aircraft to respond more quickly and precisely when unexpected situations arise.
Lockheed Martin maintains that the U-Hawk is safe. The next question, the company says, is how comfortable national leaders will be with deploying fully autonomous aircraft. The U.S. defense contractor supplies equipment to more than 50 countries worldwide.
AI safety concerns
The technology is moving toward deployment amid intense debate in the United States over the risks of artificial intelligence, an issue expected to feature prominently in the 2028 presidential campaign.
President Donald Trump is an enthusiastic supporter of AI and has sought to rebrand it as “superintelligence,” while Democrats are exploring how to respond to public concerns about the technology.
Although autonomous systems have many potentially beneficial applications, from delivering critical supplies and fighting fires to neutralizing hostile drones, their broader implications must also be considered, said Steve Feldstein, a senior fellow and director of the Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
“My argument is not that autonomous technology should be banned. I don’t think that is practical or realistic. However, I believe it is essential that we maintain human oversight and effective control over these devices,” Feldstein said.
The researcher warned that numerous unpredictable factors could cause autonomous vehicles to malfunction or operate inaccurately. He also addressed the issue before the U.S. House of Representatives’ Human Rights Commission in September.
“The essence of my testimony is that military applications of this technology require special scrutiny because of the potential harm they can cause. But the technology more broadly should also be subject to regulatory restrictions and rigorous oversight to ensure that its development and operation are safe and reliable,” Feldstein told Valor.
“Just as we have established regulatory standards for motor vehicles, holding companies accountable when brakes fail or other components are defective, we need a similar system of oversight and control for autonomous devices,” he said.
Human oversight
Tenney said Lockheed Martin is working to address those concerns as it develops increasingly sophisticated autonomous systems.
“We work closely with leading AI companies to ensure that we have safety measures in place,” he said. “We will always implement safeguards that allow humans to make the final decisions.”
Lockheed Martin’s platforms are also designed with countermeasures to protect against interference, including cyberattacks.
“We have many security capabilities built into our systems that I can’t discuss specifically, but I can say that they are protective measures,” Tenney said.
Rising defense demand
Lockheed Martin recognizes that it is operating in an increasingly dangerous world, a trend that has fueled demand for its defense technologies.
“We have never seen demand like what we are seeing for many of our capabilities,” Tenney said.
In July, the company reported a record order backlog of $230 billion.
Second-quarter sales rose 11% from a year earlier to $20 billion, while profit reached $1.84 billion, up from $342 million in the same period of 2025.
The company plans to invest up to $9 billion by 2030 to expand its manufacturing capacity and develop new factories. Lockheed Martin currently operates 342 facilities worldwide, including factories, offices and research centers.
Investors weigh whether post-election surge marks one-off repricing or start of sustained upswing reminiscent of Brazil’s investment-grade upgrade
João Henrique da Fonseca — Photo: Nilani Goettems/Valor
The outcome of Brazil’s first-round presidential election sent domestic financial markets soaring on October 5, producing one of the biggest single-day rallies in the country’s history. With the initial excitement fading, investors are now debating whether the extraordinary gains simply reflected a sharp adjustment to an unexpected election result or marked the beginning of a sustained rise in Brazilian asset prices, similar to the cycle that followed the country’s first investment-grade rating.
Sovereign risk indicators suggest investors may already be positioning for a more prolonged period of optimism. Brazil’s five-year credit default swap (CDS) spread plunged 22 basis points after the election, reaching 108 basis points on Tuesday (Oct. 6), its lowest level since February 2020, before the pandemic. CDS contracts are derivatives that provide protection against default and serve as a gauge of the credit risk associated with a country or asset.
Brazil’s CDS spread is now below that of some investment-grade countries, including Colombia, whose five-year spread stands at 164 basis points. Colombia retains its investment-grade rating from Moody’s but has been downgraded to speculative grade by Fitch and S&P Global.
The gap between Brazil and Mexico, which holds investment-grade ratings from all three agencies, has narrowed to just 14 basis points in recent days. A similarly small difference of 15 basis points separates Brazil from investment-grade Indonesia.
Brazilian sovereign risk is also trading below that of countries with comparable credit ratings, including South Africa, whose five-year CDS spread currently stands near 135 basis points.
A possible regime shift
A strategist at a major financial institution, speaking on condition of anonymity, said investors would have to look back to 2008, when Brazil first secured investment-grade status, to find a similarly remarkable simultaneous rally in stocks, bonds and the currency.
“Even that day fell far short, but the comparison is worth more than a good headline,” the strategist joked. “The significance of investment grade was never the rally on that particular day. It was the fact that Brazil’s equilibrium risk premium had changed. Suddenly, Brazil belonged to a different category. Its investor base was expanding, the cost of capital could fall structurally, and asset prices needed to adjust to a new regime.”
The strategist acknowledged that Brazil did not receive a sovereign rating upgrade on Monday. Still, the market may have begun trading as though a conceptually similar shift had taken place.
“If this were merely an election surprise, a move of five to seven standard deviations would be screaming: take profits, trade against the excess and move on. But if Sunday marked the beginning of a regime shift, Monday’s trading session may not have been the end of the trade. It may have been the repricing that started it,” the strategist said.
Markets have given back some of Monday’s gains in subsequent sessions, but several developments continue to support the bullish case. They include a record single-day inflow of foreign capital into Brazilian stocks and one of the largest auctions of fixed-rate government bonds in the National Treasury’s history, held on Thursday (Oct. 8).
Potential inflows
An Itaú BBA sensitivity analysis suggests Brazilian stocks could attract R$270.2 billion if foreign and domestic investors returned to their historical average allocations.
“Of that total, 45% would come from foreign investors and 55% from domestic investors. Foreigners tend to initiate this movement, while domestic investors may increase their exposure as interest rates decline,” the bank said.
The bank’s strategy team estimates that every 1-percentage-point increase in Brazil’s weight in the MSCI Emerging Markets Index could generate R$79.3 billion in inflows. A return to the country’s historical average weighting of 5.6%, compared with 4% currently, would represent R$123 billion.
“Among domestic investors, every 1-percentage-point increase in equity allocations would represent an additional R$113.2 billion. Equity funds currently account for 7.6% of total assets under management in the fund industry,” Itaú BBA said.
Despite Monday’s sharp gains, the bank remains bullish on Brazilian stocks.
Grounds for caution
Not everyone is convinced that Brazilian assets are poised for an extended rally.
In a recent investor letter, Azul Wealth Management examined the gains seen in Latin American markets following transitions to right-wing governments. The firm found that stock returns tend to be lackluster once the initial euphoria subsides.
“Notably, Argentina experienced the biggest break from the previous administration, which helps explain why it has so far enjoyed the longest-lasting rally in hard-currency terms. Yet even with all of [Javier] Milei’s reforms, local markets have already begun delivering mediocre returns in dollars,” said João Henrique da Fonseca, an economist and partner at the asset manager.
“If we assume that Argentina is the country undertaking the deepest reforms and that it started with the most depressed valuations, it is reasonable to presume that there is unlikely to be more hidden value in Brazil, Chile or Colombia than there was in Argentina,” he said.
Fonseca believes that even if Flávio Bolsonaro (Liberal Party, PL) wins the presidency, investors should cautiously unwind their positions in Brazilian stocks unless significant institutional reforms materialize. A reelection victory by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva would warrant a faster exit, in his view.
“In both cases, the ultimate destination is the same: increasing positions in companies and markets that are more dynamic and better at creating equity value,” he said, referring primarily to the United States.
The economist also warned that a correction in Brazil’s public finances, which he considers necessary, could narrow the interest-rate differential with the United States and put pressure on the Brazilian currency.
Fiscal adjustment could also delay a recovery in earnings per share among Brazilian companies, particularly those focused on the domestic market.
“Indeed, if there is a change of government, we expect asset prices to rise primarily because of a shift in the valuation multiples of listed companies, rather than an actual increase in average earnings,” Fonseca said.
Fiscal constraints
Canada-based BCA Research, which has maintained a bearish stance on Brazil for an extended period, dropped its negative recommendations following the first-round election result but continues to warn of significant risks.
Strategists Max Malak, Arthur Budaghyan and Matt Gertken argue that Flávio, the eldest son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, would be unable to deliver the fiscal adjustment needed to stabilize Brazil’s debt trajectory.
“The expansion of government spending under Lula has been the main force keeping Brazil out of recession. Fiscal tightening that goes beyond symbolic measures could push the economy into recession,” they said.
The strategists also pointed to the gap between expectations and results during Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency. Investors had anticipated sweeping structural reforms, but relatively few materialized, ultimately leading to disappointment.
“Brazilian financial markets did not perform well under the previous two right-wing governments. Therefore, even if Flávio follows an orthodox neoliberal approach, that does not guarantee strong market performance,” they said.
BCA’s strategists believe Brazil would need an unlikely multiyear commodity boom, particularly in oil, agricultural products and iron ore, to materially improve its fiscal outlook.
Without such a boost, “Brazil’s nominal GDP growth will remain well below the government’s borrowing costs,” they said.
Under those conditions, Malak, Budaghyan and Gertken argue, a modest fiscal adjustment would not be enough to stop the public debt-to-GDP ratio from rising.