08/14/2025

As market bets grow on when Brazil’s Central Bank (BC) will start cutting the Selic benchmark interest rate, the Ibovespa has been closely tracking market rate movements. That link could strengthen as some investors see room for a significant stock market rally, depending on the pace of monetary easing.

Historical data suggest the Ibovespa often experiences two upward movements during Brazil’s monetary easing cycles. The first, less pronounced, tends to occur before rate cuts begin, when markets are still gauging the scale of the cycle. The second, stronger surge typically happens well after the easing starts. The findings come from a Santander study commissioned by Valor, which examined 11 easing cycles in Brazil since 1999.

The bank noted that public services stocks—such as power and sanitation companies—listed in B3’s utilities index tend to post the biggest returns in the 12 months before a cycle starts, with gains averaging 35%. However, these stocks usually regain momentum only between 12 and 24 months after cuts begin. Real estate stocks, also tracked on B3, have shown even stronger performance one year into easing, with average returns of 51% over that period.

The expected cycle beginning in 2026 will mark the first time a rate-cutting process coincides with an election year. That could bring more volatility and affect returns, especially given the high Selic level of 15%.

“The Ibovespa does have a second leg up when rate cuts are prolonged,” said Ricardo Peretti, equity strategist at Santander Corretora.

The last time rates were at similar levels was in 2016, when they reached 14.25% a year. The BC began cutting in October that year, and the Ibovespa gained 20.0% in the six months before easing began, Mr. Peretti recalled. In the following six months, the increase was only 1.3%. But between 24 and 36 months after the 2016 cuts began, the index rose 21.2% and 35.6%, respectively—suggesting stronger long-term gains.

Median Ibovespa returns since 1999 show a 25% gain in the 12 months before a cycle, but a 6.4% drop in the six months before cuts begin. Three months ahead of easing, returns improve, turning positive at 9.3%. Performance 12 and 24 months after the start of a cycle shows gains of 12.3% and 29.4%, respectively.

“There’s always the perception that the market anticipates rate cuts—and it does. But there’s also a second leg if the Copom’s rate-cutting process is prolonged,” said Mr. Peretti.

With signs of slowing activity confirmed by July’s IPCA inflation reading coming in below median forecasts, asset managers point out how a restrictive monetary policy is weighing on the real economy. Many see now as the time to position in stocks likely to benefit from falling rates.

“We’re seeing a slowdown, especially in domestic retail and consumption. The impact of high Selic for a prolonged period is hitting consumers’ pockets,” said Christian Keleti, CEO of equity manager Alpha Key. “There’s a meaningful chance COPOM will cut by 300 basis points [3 percentage points] or more next year, given the scenario we’re seeing.”

Mr. Keleti said Alpha Key is starting to boost exposure to domestic sectors, but is focusing on companies that are neither stressed nor heavily leveraged, as this is not the time to take on such risks. Two key holdings are Assaí and C&A, which have been posting solid results for several quarters.

“Assaí is cutting investments to improve efficiency, reduce leverage, and fine-tune operations, aiming to boost sales when the market improves. C&A, the best ‘fast fashion’ company in the past two years, should benefit from potential rate cuts, as it’s managing risks well and could be more confident in boosting card sales,” Mr. Keleti said.

While consumer stocks in B3’s sector index posted returns of 7.8% in the 12 months before rate cuts, Santander’s study shows the sector delivered much stronger gains—39.0%—a year after easing began.

Another standout is smaller-cap companies. Santander found that since 1999, the highest small-cap index returns came between six and 12 months after cuts began, with median gains of 25.6% and 27.1%, respectively.

Among small caps, Brisanet, Intelbras, and Priner are key bets for Leblon Equities to ride the Selic downtrend. Leblon founding partner Pedro Rudge said falling rates tend to increase risk appetite and benefit companies with more limited access to credit, such as small caps.

Leblon is also assessing potential asymmetries in a scenario of possible political change in 2026. Recently, it added long positions in Petrobras and Banco do Brasil. “Looking at current prices, we don’t think the market is adequately pricing in a possible change of government in 2026,” Mr. Rudge said.

Although the short term could bring concerns about farm loan defaults at Banco do Brasil and higher Petrobras investment spending, Rudge sees a safety margin. “There’s cushion to work with, even under those assumptions. Combined, the positions should represent about 4% of the portfolio,” he said, adding that Leblon has a three-to-five-year investment horizon and avoids placing disproportionate weight on short-term views.

A Bank of America survey of 31 Latin American asset managers, with about $110 billion under management, showed a shift in expectations for when investors will start trading with an election focus.

In July, 57% of managers expected “electoral trade” moves to start in the last quarter of this year or earlier. This month, only 22% said those moves would begin by year-end, with most now betting on the first and second quarters of next year.

Michel Frankfurt, head of Scotiabank’s brokerage in Brazil, noted that elections traditionally had less impact on Brazilian assets, but that changed with the sharper polarization of recent races.

“We have diametrically opposed proposals. Polarization will bring volatility in a divided country,” Mr. Frankfurt said. “The president’s popularity was falling but has now recovered. Imagine the impact as the election nears,” he added.

* By Maria Fernanda Salinet  and Bruna Furlani  — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

 

 

08/11/2025 

Lawmakers who took part in the meeting that brokered the deal to end the occupation of the Lower House floor last Wednesday (6) believe the current political climate is more favorable for challenging the Supreme Court. That was one of the key factors considered by leaders of the center-right bloc in giving the green light to a set of bills that would bolster parliamentary immunity.

Cited as a chief broker of the deal that dismantled the pro-Bolsonaro uprising, former Speaker Arthur Lira was involved in similar initiatives when he previously led the Lower House. The first proposals emerged in the wake of the 2021 arrest of former congressman Daniel Silveira.

One bill, introduced by pro-Bolsonaro lawmaker Soraya Santos, would have required that any lawmaker arrested be brought to the Lower House along with the arrest records. Both the records and the detainee would be held in custody by the Constitution and Justice Committee until the full House decided on the arrest. The proposal failed to advance and was shelved.

Around the same time, then-congresswoman Celina Leão, now the vice governor of the Federal District (Brasília), introduced a bill to prevent the same judge from overseeing both an investigation and the resulting criminal trial. “This seeks to give such proceedings the accusatory nature required by our Constitution, ensuring that the impartiality of the judge is not mere fiction,” she argued. That proposal also failed to advance.

In October of last year, under Mr. Lira’s leadership, the House attempted to revive what became known as the “anti-Supreme Court package,” which included two constitutional amendments. One would have allowed Congress to suspend Supreme Court rulings; the other would have limited the ability of justices to issue injunctions acting alone.

Both proposals cleared the Constitution and Justice Committee but stalled thereafter. At the time, Justice Gilmar Mendes called the initiatives “a disgrace.” Tensions between the branches of government had already been mounting, particularly amid demands for greater transparency in the execution of parliamentary budget allocations.

A lawmaker who attended the meeting that sealed the deal to vacate the House floor said the prevailing view was that the political environment had left the Supreme Court more vulnerable, creating a new opening to push measures that would shield legislators.

The U.S. government’s sanctions on the court—including the revocation of visas for eight justices and the application of the Magnitsky Act to Justice Alexandre de Moraes—are also seen as a sign of weakness. Added to that are criticisms from various sectors of society over what some view as Justice Moraes’s excesses in handling the investigation against former president Jair Bolsonaro.

“We have the word of five leaders, representing 261 lawmakers, that the House, united, will consider a proposal to restore the moral standing of the Brazilian parliament,” one participant said.

The immediate goal is to swiftly approve a constitutional amendment changing the rules on parliamentary immunity. The current draft, which could benefit dozens of lawmakers under Supreme Court investigation for irregularities in budget allocations, is expected to be amended on the floor, potentially ensuring that such cases are transferred not to lower courts but to the Federal Regional Courts, one level above.

Weakened by the uprising, Speaker Hugo Motta reiterated the widespread dissatisfaction among lawmakers with the Supreme Court, a sign he will back a renewed push for protective measures.

“Some invasions of prerogatives, interference of the judiciary in the legislature… Sometimes anti-Supreme and anti-judiciary measures gain reciprocal support because of this discontent,” Mr. Motta told the news website Metrópoles. “But it is also the duty of all those who set the agenda to focus on what is important to strengthen our prerogatives,” he added. Messrs. Motta and Lira declined to comment when contacted.

*By Beatriz Roscoe and Murillo Camarotto  — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

 

08/11/2025

After failed attempts to negotiate with various members of the U.S. government, President Luiz Lula’s administration has singled out Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent as one of the few figures capable of persuading U.S. President Donald Trump to back down on the new tariff hike. Officials believe Mr. Bessent is among the few persons with whom the Lula government has managed to build a working dialogue and who also has Mr. Trump’s ear. The hope is that he can carry President Lula’s proposals directly to the White House.

In the coming days, Mr. Bessent is expected to speak by phone with Finance Minister Fernando Haddad. The renewed contact is one of the Brazilian government’s last hopes for resolving the trade dispute.

In May, Mr. Haddad met Mr. Bessent in Los Angeles, but that meeting took place before Trump announced a 50% tariff on Brazilian goods. This week’s conversation will take place with the tax already in effect. According to Lula administration officials, Mr. Haddad will focus on the trade issue and attempt to keep politics out of the discussion.

Even so, while Mr. Bessent is seen as the best hope for getting Brazil’s counterproposals onto the president’s desk, President Lula’s aides have been warned that the Treasury secretary does not “buy into every battle” that comes his way, raising doubts about whether he will be willing to engage on the 50% tariff.

“The adult in the room who has the best chance of resolving this is Bessent. He’s the guy for this kind of thing—but he picks his battles,” said one source familiar with the talks. Behind the scenes, the Workers’ Party government acknowledges the negotiations are tough and that Brazilian officials need to “keep a cool head” in the debate. “The negotiation won’t happen on the schedule people expect,” the source added.

The focus on Mr. Bessent emerged after Lula’s government sought out several other Trump administration figures for discussions on Brazilian exports. Most of those envoys, however, proved unable to advance Brazil’s case — and, informally, some admitted they did not have the authority to negotiate such an impasse.

In recent weeks, Brazilian officials have spoken, for instance, with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick. Valor has learned that Mr. Rubio agreed on the importance of maintaining open channels of dialogue, noting the 200 years of diplomatic relations between Brazil and the United States. Nevertheless, none of these conversations resulted in a concrete avenue for talks, frustrating the Brazilian side.

Veteran diplomats at Brazil’s Foreign Ministry say the complexity of the situation has much to do with Trump’s management style. A case in point is the recent dismissal of U.S. Labor Department chief Erika McEntarfer, who was fired after the release of July’s payroll report showed far fewer jobs created than expected.

According to sources, such episodes help explain the “defensive” posture U.S. officials have adopted in talks with Brazil so far.

“As long as Trump doesn’t move the pieces on the chessboard, his officials will keep playing defense and holding the line. If any of them step out of line, their career is over. It’s no coincidence he fired the Labor Department official,” one source said.

*By Renan Truffi and Sofia Aguiar — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

 

08/08/2025 

In its next phase, Brazil’s Central Bank (BC) will drop plans to develop a complex distributed ledger technology (DLT) system for digital assets in the financial sector. Instead, the Drex project will focus on a more modest goal: creating a lien reconciliation solution that will pave the way for credit operations backed by a variety of collateral types—targeted for rollout in 2026.

The shift, seen as a major change in direction, will postpone the use of decentralized networks similar to those in cryptocurrencies—features that would have enabled programmable money, peer-to-peer lending, and other disintermediated financial transactions as originally envisioned.

The change in focus was first disclosed by BC Auditor Clarissa Souza during a panel at Blockchain Rio. Fabio Araujo, the BC’s Drex coordinator, later confirmed the move in an interview with Valor.

Mr. Araujo said the project will now be split into two timelines: one to deliver a service to the public in the short term without a decentralized network, and another to mature that technology over time. He explained that lien reconciliation will ensure an asset registered at a brokerage can be used as loan collateral, with all the different systems involved communicating with one another.

Originally, this was to be done using Hyperledger Besu, the DLT platform the BC chose in 2023 as Drex’s infrastructure. Besu is a permissioned protocol compatible with Ethereum smart contracts. The idea has now been shelved because developing all the needed solutions on that network proved unfeasible in the short term.

One of the biggest hurdles has been implementing a privacy solution for Drex within Hyperledger that preserves programmability and composability. Three tools were tested in the project’s first phase, with none fully satisfying the BC. Three more options emerged in the second phase.

Mr. Araujo said current privacy solutions are strong but require significant additional work, development, and adaptation before they can serve as the foundation for a decentralized financial system. “We found good privacy solutions, but apparently it’s not enough. We need to put this to the test,” he said.

Marcos Sarres, CEO of GoLedger—part of the Hyperledger Foundation—said there is no indication Hyperledger Besu will continue to be used when DLT returns to Drex’s roadmap. Mr. Sarres acknowledged that Besu was not ideal for the project due to its limitations.

“There are technologies already designed with privacy and scalability in mind—you don’t have to build them from scratch,” he said, citing Hyperledger Fabric as an example. Fabric recently upgraded to handle up to 200 million transactions per second, from 20 million previously. Brazil’s Federal Revenue Service already uses Hyperledger Fabric in its b-Cadastros database-sharing program.

The BC has yet to say what technology will power lien reconciliation for secured lending. Even members of the private-sector consortia currently testing Drex said they were surprised by the decision.

Marcos Viriato, CEO of Parfin—developer of one of Drex’s privacy solutions—suggested that asset transfers in the third phase could be processed through Brazil’s Pix instant payment system. “It’s like they’ve said before—they want integration with Pix,” he said.

At the end of July, the 16 private-sector consortia involved in Drex submitted reports on their tests of 13 tokenization use cases. The BC will release a comprehensive report on the second phase by October. It is unclear when the third phase—focused on collateralized lending—will begin, though it is expected later this year.

The tested use cases were far broader than what will now be delivered, including tokenized property sales. According to Araujo, DLT-dependent solutions will be discussed and developed in later phases, after lien reconciliation is in place.

The future involvement of the 16 current consortia is uncertain. Beyond technical challenges, Drex has also become a political flashpoint. The debate intensified when U.S. President Donald Trump backed legislation to bar the Federal Reserve from creating a central bank digital currency (CBDC), prompting Brazilian politicians to criticize Drex.

Companies in the Drex pilot expressed surprise at the sharp shift but said it would not derail tokenization efforts in Brazil. João Canhada, founder of crypto exchange Foxbit, said the tokenization market was already advancing independently of Drex. “Yes, there would have been more opportunities if Drex had been rolled out as previously discussed. But today’s tokenization market is not anchored to what Drex will deliver in the future,” he said.

André Portilho, head of digital assets at BTG Pactual—also part of the pilot—called the BC’s phased approach “pragmatic and correct” as it keeps the project and long-term vision intact while matching implementation to technology maturity.

João Aragão, technology and financial services innovation specialist at Inter bank, said the bank tokenized soybean trades and implemented interoperability features in Drex’s second phase. He stressed that the experience was not lost with the change in direction. “We’re all moving toward [future] virtual asset service provider licenses and have other projects we want to roll out. We will continue working on tokenization,” he said.

In a statement, the Brazilian Federation of Banks (Febraban) expressed confidence that the BC is developing Drex with the caution needed to meet efficiency, security, and stability requirements. “We remain firmly in the group supporting the creation of the Drex platform and are working within the ongoing Technical Cooperation Agreement,” it said.

*By Ricardo Bomfim, Valor — Rio de Janeiro

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

 

08/08/2025 

Brazilian automakers are bracing for a slowdown in domestic market growth. Thanks to rising exports to Argentina, however, they will be able to keep production levels steady.

Driven by stronger demand from its southern neighbor, the share of exports in Brazil’s auto industry has risen from 14% to 25% over the past year.

Noticing signs of a rebound in Argentina—Brazil’s top export destination for vehicles—automakers had been preparing since January to ramp up shipments. At the time, the National Association of Vehicle Manufacturers (ANFAVEA) projected a 7.8% increase in exports in 2025.

However, the recent performance exceeded expectations, said the ANFAVEA president, Igor Calvet. On Thursday (7), the industry association revised its forecast sharply upward, now projecting a 38.4% increase in vehicle exports this year.

In a year, vehicle sales from Brazil to Argentina surged 156.5% to 183,900 units. Argentina’s share of total exports rose from 35% to nearly 59%. Although sales to other neighboring markets such as Colombia and Chile also increased, Argentine demand was the key driver behind what ANFAVEA is calling a “surprising surge.”

From January through July, Brazil exported 312,100 vehicles, a 52.7% increase compared to 2024. Export revenue reached $8.33 billion, up 43.9% year-over-year.

According to Mr. Calvet, foreign demand has been the main reason automakers have expanded hiring in recent weeks. In just one month, 400 new positions were created. Total employment in the sector now stands at 109,100, up 4.4% over the past 12 months.

Stronger prospects for exports are helping the industry offset weaker domestic demand and maintain the production targets announced at the start of the year.

ANFAVEA lowered its forecast for domestic market growth in 2025 from 6.3% to 5%, or 2.765 million vehicles. However, it kept its projected increase in production at 8.4%, totaling 2.749 million units.

Not even the federal government’s Sustainable Car incentive program will be enough to reverse the trend. The program eliminated the Industrialized Products Tax (IPI) on a list of basic car models, leading to a 16.7% spike in sales of those vehicles in its first month.

The industry association points to high interest rates as one of the main factors behind weakening demand, especially for trucks. ANFAVEA holds a pessimistic outlook for the heavy-duty transport segment.

Since the beginning of the year, demand for trucks has fallen 4.1%, and the situation may deteriorate further in the coming months. The trade group revised its 2025 forecast for domestic truck sales from a 0.2% increase to an 8.3% drop. “Instability hurts us, and high interest rates kill us,” Mr. Calvet said.

But it’s not just the basic interest rate—which is now at its highest level since 2006—that threatens to slow production lines. According to Mr. Calvet, the U.S. government’s new import tariffs, in effect since Wednesday (6), will also impact the truck market. He noted that nearly all of Brazil’s exports to the U.S. rely on trucking to reach the ports.

The tariff hike announced by President Donald Trump is also expected to hurt exports of components such as engines. In that case, the import tax jumped from 2.5% to 27.5%. Based on ANFAVEA’s estimates, this could cost the industry $268 million if current shipment volumes continue, which the leader doubts will happen.

While presenting the industry’s results, Mr. Calvet again criticized the growing volume of Chinese vehicle imports. Chinese car sales in Brazil are now approaching those from Argentina.

From January to July, 87,800 Chinese vehicles were sold in Brazil—up 41.2% from the same period in 2024. Vehicles imported from Argentina totaled 121,400, an 11% increase year-over-year.

“Imports from Argentina are positive because we also export there, but we sell nothing to China,” he pointed out.

At the same time, Mr. Calvet praised a recent decision by Brazil’s Foreign Trade Chamber (CAMEX), which limited the import tax exemption period for semi-knocked-down (SKD) vehicles to six months. BYD, which is preparing to launch local production, had requested a longer exemption of one year. The CAMEX also imposed quotas on SKD imports, which will apply to all brands, including ANFAVEA members.

*By Marli Olmos — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

08/08/2025 

With a contingency plan already on President Lula’s desk, Brazil’s economic team is now assessing the situation of each exporter individually to fine-tune measures aimed at offsetting the impact of the 50% tariff announced by the United States on Brazilian goods. The plan is expected to be presented by Tuesday.

In a parallel effort, Vice President and Minister of Development, Industry, Trade and Services (MDIC) Geraldo Alckmin has hinted at possible avenues for bilateral talks, including regulation of big tech companies, access to critical minerals, and data center policy.

Valor has learned that he details of the plan were still being defined on Thursday (7), with calculations underway to assess the fiscal impact. There was no decision yet on the amount of credit to be offered or whether the Reintegra program—which grants tax credits to exporters—would be expanded to cover affected companies.

The review is delayed as the government examines each exporter individually to decide which support measures to implement. The MDIC prepared a detailed report on the tariff’s impact by company, which was under review at the Finance Ministry.

For now, expanding Reintegra remains under consideration. The program currently grants 0.1% credit for medium and large companies and 3% for small and micro enterprises. Industry representatives are lobbying to set the rate at 3% for all exporters. The issue was raised during a meeting between Mr. Alckmin and Haroldo Ferreira, president of the Brazilian Footwear Industry Association (ABICALÇADOS), who stressed the program’s “importance for companies selling to the U.S. market.”

Another businessperson said that Reintegra was well on the way to being included in the initial measures. However, there was uncertainty about the criteria for choosing the companies that would benefit.

Another measure under discussion is easing drawback rules, which suspend taxes on imported components used in products bound for export. Officials are weighing longer deadlines for companies to fulfill their export commitments.

Mr. Alckmin noted that the need for support varies even within sectors. In fisheries, for example, tilapia is sold domestically, while tuna is exported—making the latter more vulnerable to the new tariffs. Measures will therefore target firms with greater export exposure to the U.S.

The vice president said the government is acting on two fronts: implementing a contingency plan to protect jobs and production, and negotiating to exclude as many products as possible from the tariff list. Currently, about 38% of Brazilian exports to the U.S. are subject to the 50% duty.

Mr. Alckmin also met with U.S. chargé d’affaires Gabriel Escobar, reiterating Brazil’s opposition to the tariff hike and offering dialogue on non-tariff issues such as big tech regulation, critical minerals, and data centers. He argued that the measure would harm the U.S. by raising consumer prices, disrupting supply chains, and creating legal uncertainty. Mr. Escobar also visited Congress on Thursday.

Private-sector engagement is part of the strategy. On Wednesday, Mr. Alckmin met with Abrão Neto, head of the American Chamber of Commerce for Brazil (Amcham Brasil), which will work with the Brazilian Trade and Investment Promotion Agency (ApexBrasil) to intensify outreach in Washington.

Measures under consideration include credit lines, government purchases of food for school lunch and prison programs, job support initiatives, and a possible Reintegra expansion. Behind the scenes, officials are careful to avoid measures that would worsen public finances, particularly the primary balance—revenues minus expenditures excluding interest payments—which is the key fiscal target.

While credit provision is seen as less risky, high subsidies are a concern. The goal is to prevent any perception that the crisis is a pretext for higher spending in a pre-election year. Measures with budgetary impact could bypass the fiscal target but might increase gross public debt.

Officials are also mindful that U.S. President Donald Trump could impose further trade restrictions and want to preserve the option to respond if that happens.

*By Lu Aiko Otta, Sofia Aguiar and Ruan Amorim — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

08/07/2025

On Wednesday (6), the Administrative Council for Economic Defense (CADE) Tribunal reviewed an appeal filed by Usiminas questioning whether Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional (CSN) had complied with the antitrust watchdog’s order to divest the shareholding it held in Usiminas. The regulator has yet to calculate the potential fine to be imposed on CSN.

By majority vote, the appeal filed by Usiminas was deemed moot due to a subsequent court ruling. However, CADE gave its technical team five days to determine the amount of the fine CSN could face, using as a reference the criteria set by the Federal Regional Court of the 6th Region (TRF-6). Once the fine is calculated, the steelmakers will have the opportunity to comment, and the matter will return to the Tribunal for final deliberation.

The divestment agreement was signed in April 2014 to address antitrust concerns related to CSN’s purchase of Usiminas shares that were not part of the controlling block. The deadline for divestment was extended in 2019 and renegotiated in 2022, when it was amended to allow an open-ended timeline for CSN to sell its stake in Usiminas.

On June 25, 2025, in light of a court ruling ordering CSN to sell its stake in Usiminas, the CADE Tribunal gave the company 60 days to submit a divestment plan to be carried out “as quickly as possible.” The final deadline was set for September 1.

In the appeal ruled on Wednesday (6), Usiminas argued that the decision was contradictory: although it acknowledged CSN’s breach of the agreement, it also granted the company a 60-day deadline to submit a plan. Usiminas requested that a fine be imposed and a court-appointed administrator be assigned to oversee CSN.

CSN told the antitrust regulator that it had reduced its stake in Usiminas as ordered. Nevertheless, both CADE’s specialized Federal Prosecutor’s Office and the Federal Prosecution Service (MPF) recommended enforcement measures, including fines and judicial oversight, due to the delay in the divestment and the TRF-6’s court ruling.

The prevailing opinion was that of Commissioner Victor Oliveira, who proposed a five-day deadline for calculating the fine, using judicial benchmarks. His position was supported by Commissioners Diogo Thomson, Camila Pires Alves, and José Levi.

Dissenting votes came from the rapporteur, Commissioner Gustavo Augusto, and Commissioner Carlos Jacques. While the votes differed little in practical terms, they diverged on procedural grounds.

What the companies say

In a statement, CSN said that the antitrust regulator’s Tribunal recognized that the company had fully complied with its obligation to sell its stake in Usiminas, and that “no penalties were imposed nor was any fine determined,” noting that this aspect is still subject to a future decision by the Tribunal.

Usiminas stated, also in a note, that “the sale of CSN’s stake in the company, more than 11 years after the agreement signed with CADE, confirms that the shareholding was acquired illegally and in violation of Brazilian law.” According to Usiminas, it was only after judicial proceedings that CSN gave up on keeping the shares.

By Beatriz Olivon, Valor — Brasília

Source: Valor International

 

 

 

 

08/07/2025

Amid the federal government’s efforts to negotiate with the United States a reduction in import tariffs on Brazilian products, the Ministry of Mines and Energy (MME) said that proposals involving Brazil’s critical minerals are under consideration.

“Proposals for international cooperation on this topic are undergoing technical analysis by multiple ministries and remain under development within the scope of diplomatic dialogue,” the ministry said in a statement to Valor, when asked what, in concrete terms, Brazil could offer the U.S. in the area of critical minerals as part of the tariff discussions.

“All negotiations are conducted following current legal frameworks and aligned with the guidelines of Brazilian mineral policy, while respecting national sovereignty over resources and ensuring local value creation,” the statement added.

The ministry also said that “critical minerals will continue to be part of economic and technological cooperation agendas between Brazil and its strategic partners, in a balanced and non-exclusive manner.”

This week, two public remarks on the topic raised questions about the federal government’s stance.

On Monday (4), in an interview with BandNews, Finance Minister Fernando Haddad said: “We have critical minerals and rare earth elements. The United States does not have abundant reserves of these minerals, so we could establish cooperation agreements to produce more efficient batteries.” His comment was offered as an example of topics that could be brought to the negotiating table.

On Tuesday (5), however, President Lula stated in Brasília, during a meeting of the Sustainable Economic and Social Development Council: “We are building a national policy that will ensure that the exploitation of these resources benefits the Brazilian people. If these rare earths and critical minerals are found here in Brazil, they belong to us. And we will not allow them to be exploited the way other minerals have been for so long.”

In its note to Valor, the Ministry of Mines and Energy emphasized that Brazil is seeking to “strengthen its international role through partnerships that respect national legal frameworks, promote local industrialization, and generate tangible benefits for Brazilian society.”

According to the Energy Act of 2020—the current U.S. law on the subject—critical minerals are defined as those essential to the economy and national security; those vital to the manufacturing of products whose absence would have significant consequences; and those whose supply is vulnerable to disruption.

The U.S. lists 50 minerals as critical, many of which are used in high-tech equipment, electric vehicle batteries, defense applications, and more.

In the 2025 data release by the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS), Brazil appears as the country with the second-largest reserves of critical minerals, behind only China. However, Brazil’s production remains limited.

For manganese, Brazil has the world’s fourth-largest reserves. Its nickel reserves rank third globally, and for niobium, Brazil holds the top spot.

There has yet to be a formal statement from the U.S. indicating interest in including Brazilian critical minerals in tariff negotiations.

However, the topic has gained traction following a meeting between Gabriel Escobar, the top U.S. diplomat in Brazil, and executives from mining companies operating in the country. During the meeting, the U.S. reiterated a message it has conveyed for several years: its interest in cooperating with Brazil in the area of critical minerals.

The MME said it plans to launch a National Policy on Critical and Strategic Minerals in 2025, to expand geological research, increase value-added production, foster innovation, and attract investment.

*By Marcos de Moura and Souza, Valor — São Paulo

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/

 

 

 

08/07/2025

The administration of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva formally requested consultations with the U.S. at the World Trade Organization (WTO) on Wednesday (6), initiating a dispute over the sweeping tariff hikes imposed by President Donald Trump on Brazilian exports. In a joint statement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty) and the Ministry of Development, Industry, Trade and Services (Mdic) said the request challenges U.S. measures adopted on April 2 and July 30 that together apply tariffs of up to 50% on a range of Brazilian goods.

According to the Lula administration, the tariffs “flagrantly violate core commitments” the U.S. has made under WTO rules, including the most-favored-nation (MFN) principle and tariff ceilings negotiated within the organization.

The 50% tariff was imposed under U.S. legislation, including the International Emergency Economic Powers Act and Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act.

The WTO consultations, to be held in Geneva, are the first formal step in the organization’s dispute settlement process and are intended to promote a “negotiated solution” before a potential panel is established. A date and location for the consultations will be agreed upon by both parties in the coming weeks.

“The Brazilian government reaffirms its openness to negotiation and hopes the consultations will contribute to a resolution of the matter,” the ministries said.

Despite the formal request, Lula administration officials privately admit they do not expect a concrete result from the WTO proceedings. However, they view the move as an important geopolitical gesture. According to Valor sources, the main objective is to defend multilateralism and underscore the need for a rule-based international trade system in the face of U.S. unilateralism.

The possibility of bringing the issue to the WTO has been under consideration since the beginning of Trump’s second term, when he launched a new round of global tariff hikes. From the outset, Brazilian officials saw it as unlikely that the U.S. would comply with any WTO ruling and thus treated the move as more symbolic than substantive.

Brazil has also raised concerns about U.S. influence within the WTO, citing the presence of several senior officials linked to the U.S. government—reducing confidence in a favorable outcome.

Nonetheless, the Lula administration reached a consensus to proceed with the WTO filing after Mr. Trump’s July announcement of the 50% tariff, which took effect Wednesday.

At the WTO General Council meeting in Geneva in late July, Brazil reiterated its commitment to defending the multilateral trading system and condemned the use of arbitrary tariffs that violate core WTO principles and threaten the global economy.

Brazil also called for renewed efforts to reform the multilateral trading system and restore the WTO’s role as a venue for dispute resolution and the defense of its members’ legitimate interests through dialogue and negotiation. Following Brazil’s statement, 40 countries—including the EU’s 27 member states—expressed support for the rules-based global trade framework and backed the call for structural reform of the organization.

The WTO was established in 1995 following the Uruguay Round of negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which governed multilateral trade from 1948 to 1994. The WTO’s core principles include non-discrimination, predictability, fair competition, bans on quantitative restrictions, and special treatment for developing countries.

*By Sofia Aguiar and Renan Truffi — Brasília

Source: Valor International

https://valorinternational.globo.com/